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Devastation of Reich - Multiple Plans of Allies

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Devastation of the Reich -

At Yalta in the Crimea, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin met to decide the fate of Europe and in their joint statement solemnly declared:
"It is not our purpose to destroy the people of Germany."

Again at Potsdam, the representatives of the Big Three met and intheir joint Declaration, signed by Messrs. Stalin, Truman, and Attlee, officially proclaimed:
"It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave the German
people."

Despite these and other assurances, the Potsdam decisions, as we at first interpreted them, meant throwing the German people on their own, with outside assistance prohibited, after the necessary means
for their survival had been destroyed. This could have but one result: to blot out Germany and the German people.
The life of every nation is supported by three main pillars: land (all natural resources), labor (both brawn and brains), and capital (plants and equipment). Break down any one of these and the nation
is plunged into catastrophe. We have been guilty of pulling down all three in Germany.
The war started the process by destroying the flower of German manpower, shattering cities, factories, railroads, and impoverishing the soil by a five year cessation of fertilizer production. And an equally oppressive war has been waged against the German people since their unconditional surrender. The supporting power of the land has been undermined by vital territorial losses followed by overcrowding caused by the influx of millions of Germans expelled
into the shrunken Reich from the lost areas and from Czechoslovakia, and Poland. Industrial capital resources have been further diminished by loss of all production facilities in the territories taken by the conquerors and by a gigantic program of sacking politely known as "deindustrialization" and "reparations in kind." The working force had been decimated by the enslavement of millions, the throwing of other millions out of posts of responsibility through "denazification," and weakened by undernourishment which causes workmen to fall at their posts of duty. Even the German race itself has been attacked by a program of mass violation of Germany's
unconditionally surrendered motherhood. In consequence, Germany lies prostrate and her people famish. After
they began to die en masse, it was finally decided that the importation of some food would be necessary - unfortunately barely enough to keep the great masses of people in the twilight zone between life and death. Their agonies and despair have been perpetuated at the maximum of human capacity.


I am gonna add more articles in this thread , The first installment is here -


1) WAR DEVASTATION

Devastation of the Reich by total warfare was alone enough to cast serious doubt on
Germany's postwar ability to survive.
Never before in history have the life-sustaining resources of a nation been so
thoroughly demolished. Returning from victory in Europe, General Bradley declared,
"I can tell you that Germany has been destroyed utterly and completely."[1]
The demand for unconditional surrender had forced the desperate Germans to fight
to the bitter end, until their cities had been pulverized into death-ridden rubble and
their factories, railroads, canals, dams, power installations, communications,
buildings, homes - all their exposed facilities - had been converted into heaps of
twisted, smouldering ruins.
Allied fervor to destroy everything German had been expressed by General
Eisenhower with the opening of the Ruhr drive. "Our primary purpose," he declared,
"is destruction of as many Germans as possible. I expect to destroy every German
west of the Rhine and within that area in which we are attacking."[2]
Allied capacity to destroy became overwhelming after the American industrial
colossus had been converted from peace-time to war production. American output
soon surpassed that of all other belligerents in the war combined and became twice
as great as the capacity of the doomed Axis.[3]
Stunned by American power, Hermann Göring confessed to his Nuremberg prison
guards: "The industrial genius of America is something of which no one dreamed."
A glimpse of America's smashing force when devoted to the grim business of mass
production of death and destruction is provided by the following description written
by a front line war correspondent:
"A cataclysmic blast of exploding, splintering steel rent the earth before us and it
seemed like the world was coming to an end.
"The Americans were blasting out a path for a forward drive.
"Man and beast shuddered in their tracks. Whole towns were disintegrating. Life
seemed to disappear from the scene. It was the most terrifying destructive force of
warfare Germany has ever seen. And it was a symbol of what was to come as the
U.S. 1st Army unloosed this shattering blow within the borders of Germany.
"For an hour and a half more than 2,000 bombers and hundreds of guns pounded the
German countryside, making the earth dance before this mighty man-made force.
When the heavies and mediums were not making the earth quake for miles around,
our massed artillery was giving them hell out there. They were firing at an average
rate of one round every 15 seconds, blasting every conceivable obstacle in our path.
Minefields went up as though touched off by an electric switch...
"In the center of that frightful scene, the Germans were entrenched as a 'human
wall.' They were dug in foxholes and inside houses of 'fortified towns.' Many died
without knowing what had hit them.
"Having seen brave men and wild beasts crack as they do sometimes in the grip of a
terrible earthquake, I could have sworn there would be no opposition when the zero
hour came.
"Yet, when our tanks and doughboys went over the top after the barrage, as in the
battle of Verdun, there were Germans still alive and they fought us with
violence."[4]
Great though it was, the destruction resulting from ground fighting pales in
comparison with that caused by our gigantic air raids. The two atom bombs dropped
on Japan may have been more dramatic, but they could hardly have been more
destructive than the millions of phosphorous, fire, and "blockbuster" bombs dropped
on Germany. Near the end we were using 11-tonners which crews said caused their
planes to bounce up over 500 feet when the huge 25-foot missiles were released,
sending up "a tremendous pall of black smoke and a fountain of debris" which
"dwarfed the terrific explosions of the six-ton 'earthquake' bombs."
During the war, more bombs by weight were dropped on Berlin alone than were
released over the whole of England. So great was the ruin that General Eisenhower
was constrained to say:
"I have seen many great engineering jobs during the war - such as the clearing of
the port of Cherbourg - but I just wouldn't know where to begin to rebuild
Berlin."[5]
An American writer, among the first group of correspondents allowed to spend more
than 24 hours in the smashed metropolis, wrote:
"The capital of the Third Reich is a heap of gaunt, burned-out, flame-seared
buildings. It is a desert of a hundred thousand dunes made up of brick and powdered
masonry. Over this hangs the pungent stench of death . . . It is impossible to
exaggerate in describing the destruction . . . Downtown Berlin looks like no thing
man could have contrived. Riding down the famous Frankfurter Allee, I did not see
a single building where you could have set up a business of even selling apples."[6]
All German cities above 50,000 population and many smaller ones were from 50 to
80 per cent destroyed. Dresden, as large as Pittsburgh, was wiped out and nearly all
of its 620,000 inhabitants buried under the ruins.[7] Cologne, with a population of
750,000, was turned into a gigantic wasteland. Hamburg, with its 1,150,000 people,
was blasted by huge attacks, in one of which the flames rolled a mile into the sky and
roasted alive hundreds of thousands of civilians in street temperatures of a thousand
degrees. Frankfurt-on-Main, a city of 500,000, was reduced to a mass of rubble. All
cities and industrial areas, such as the Ruhr and Saar regions, were laid waste.[8]
The story of Kassel typifies the tragedy which befell the others:
"Three hundred times the people of Kassel ran terrified to their air-raid shelters as
giant British and American planes dropped their bombs. Nearly 10,000 were killed
in the first terrible bombing, the night of October 22, 1943. That was largely an
incendiary attack, which set the whole center of the city afire. Thousands were
killed in their air-shelters by the gas fumes from great piles of burning coal, never
knowing why they felt sleepy, never awakening.
"From that night on they never knew when; they just knew they were doomed.
Sometimes they got only a few bombs; often raiding parties which couldn't reach
objectives farther east around Berlin picked Kassel on the way home.
"Occasionally swarms of planes went directly overhead and nothing happened;
other times they went overhead, and when the people of Kassel thought they were
going on eastward, they wheeled around and came back to drop their powerful tons
of TNT.
"They got so they knew all the tricks, those that remained in Kassel. Steadily their
town was beaten down upon their heads
. . . Less than 15,000 of their 65,000 homes remained livable. They learned how to
dig in, to escape the coal fumes, the fires. Somehow, I thought it was with just a
touch of pride that the Burgomeister said, 'And then our latest raid, March 8 and 9,
1945. It was by far the biggest. Perhaps a thousand big bombers, one of the biggest
raids in all Germany; and we lost very few killed - less than 100.'
"'And then, just before Easter, we heard the American armies were coming and
wanted to make Kassel an open city,' said Helga Aspen, a pretty blond girl who
stayed through it all. 'But,' she added bitterly, 'the Fuehrerhauptquartier (Himmler)
gave orders to defend to the last man.'
"And so Kassel, beaten by 300 air-raids, must know the crashing of American
artillery fire. They gathered about 6,000 civilians in a deep bunker in the center of
town and waited - as the rather inept German defense units gradually were driven
back.
"So, on April 4, 1945, Kassel surrendered, not more than 15,000 of its 250,000 still
in the the city and living. Thousands lay buried under the countless tons of brick
and mortar and twisted steel that had been dwellings and stores and factories.
"That was a year ago and it's no exaggeration to say that they are still dazed. Only a
few have snapped out of their stupor to become real leaders. It is not uncommon to
see a person burst into helpless tears, if the conversation turns to recounting the war
terror."[9]
This wholesale destruction of the cities and production facilities of the most highly
industrialized nation in Europe was successful from a strictly military point of view;
however, it was also an attack against the livelihood of millions of workers, for the
wrecking of factories and machines is also destruction of jobs, the basic means of
life.
Some of Germany's jobless millions have found temporary employment in clearing
rubble and similar work. But genuine reconstruction is impossible without
production of vast amounts of building materials and new equipment, neither of
which can be produced in Germany today, because the necessary facilities no longer
exist. It takes factories and machines Germany lacks to build the factories and
machines Germany needs.
To get the German economy off this dead center demands external assistance. And
meanwhile the people, unable to produce the necessities of life for themselves, must
either be allowed to die in masses or be given outside help until recovery has gone
far enough to enable them once more to take care of themselves.

Reference Notes:
[1] Associated Press, New York, June 3, 1945
[2] J. Kingsbury Smith, Paris, Feb. 24, 1945, [INS]
[3] Cf. address by Donald M. Nelson, Chr. U.S. Production Board, Toronto, Canada. July 8, 1943;
James D. White, Chicago Daily News [AP], May 7, 1945; and Chicago Sunday Tribune, Sept. 22,
1946, reporting statement by Troyer S. Anderson, War Dept. Historian.
[4] Henry T. Gorrell [UP], Chicago Daily News, Nov. 17, 1944
[5] Associated Press, London, June 11, 1945
[6] Eddie Gilmore [AP], Berlin, June 9, 1945
[7] United Press, London, Feb. 14, 1945 and Associated Press, London, March 5, 1945
[8] Associated Press, London, March 24, 1945
[9] Jack Bell, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service, Kassel, Germany, May 15, 1946.

2) EXTERMINATION BY OVERCROWDING

Territorial Amputations
Germany's living space, even in 1937, was small for her heavy
population and afforded important natural resources only in the form
of farm lands and deposits of coal and potash. Her agricultural lands
have been overworked by intensive cultivation for 1,000 to 2,000
years and her soil has been starved for fertilizer during and since the
recent war. Even when plenty of fertilizer was available and her
territory was intact, Germany was never able to produce more than
80 per cent of the food and other farm products needed to meet her
domestic needs.[1]
The rest had to be imported in exchange for coal and manufactured
exports.
As her agricultural lands became overcrowded, Germany had
resorted to manufacturing. By importing iron ore and exploiting her
coal and potash resources to the utmost, she had built up the world's
second largest steel and chemical industries which, in turn, formed
the "workshop of Europe," raised the general European standard of
living, and provided direct or indirect support for fully two thirds of
her own population.
On account of destruction by total warfare and deliberate Allied
policy, these industrial resources are now largely wiped out. Without
them, over half of the German workers must resort to the soil as their
only other means of life. Under the circumstances it is extremely
doubtful that the land, even if all held in 1937 were left intact, could
support the huge, now jobless, industrial population on even the
barest subsistence level.
Without waiting to see, Germany's conquerors have ruthlessly
stripped her of lands constituting 28 per cent of her living space,
producing an even higher proportion of her food, and containing two
of her three principal coal regions. To make matters still worse, they
are expelling into the remaining Reich millions of Germans from the
lost provinces, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and elsewhere; are
coddling a large population of "displaced persons" within stricken
Germany; and, in the case of the Russians and French, are
maintaining large armies of occupation which live off the land. Both
the "displaced persons" and these occupation forces enjoy priority
over the Germans by being able to make requisitions against them for
whatever food and other items they need in order to live in
comparative ease and luxury. The deplorable situation created by
these actions ean well be imagined.
The Atlantic Charter had promised:
"No aggrandizement." - "No territorial changes that do not accord
with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned." - "the
right of all peoples to choose the form of govemment under which
they live." - "To all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their
own borders." - "A peace . . . which will afford assurance that all men
in all lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want."
In their Yalta statement, the Big Three reaffirm their "faith in the
principles of the Atlantic Charter" and say they uphold "the right of all
people to choose the form of government under which they live." Yet
in the same pronouncement they grant Russia the eastern half of
Poland and as compensation promise the Poles "substantial
accessions of territory" in eastern Germany - all without regard to
"the wishes of the peoples concerned," - "freely expressed" or
otherwise.
Although Yalta prescribes that the exact amount of such territory
Poland is to receive must await final adjudication at the peace
conferenee, Russia at Potsdam confronted her two western allies with
a territorial fait accompli. She had taken a third of East Prussia as her
own permanent acquisition and had placed her Polish puppet in
possession of all other German territory east of the Oder and Neisse
Rivers. Even the drastic Morgenthau Plan had called for ceding
Poland only the part of East Prussia not taken by Russia and the
Upper Silesian coal and industrial region. But in addition to these
areas, Poland had now possessed herself of German Posen, nearly all
of Pomerania and Lower Silesia, and the eastern part of Brandenburg
- the best part of the Reich's breadbasket. In urging her two allies to
accept these acquisitions as permanent, Russia argued that so many
German inhabitants had fled when the Red armies invaded that to get
the regions back into production would require their incorporation
into the Russian and Polish economies along the lines already
drawn.[2]
Russia's seizure of Koenigsberg and adjacent East Prussian territory
was accepted at Potsdam and has since gone unopposed. Renamed
Kaliningrad, the former East Prussian capital has been developed into
a prized warm water port for the Soviet Union, most of the German
inhabitants have been ousted, and the whole region has been
thoroughly Russified.[3]
But concerning German lands held by Poland, Potsdam decides that
"the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should await
the peace settlement"; however, it permits the territories to be held
meanwhile "under the administration of the Polish state." Apparently
looking upon this arrangement as tantamount to de facto recognition
of her title to the regions, Poland has proceeded to dispossess and
drive out the millions of German inhabitants, and to replace them
with Poles.
Although Moscow had led Poland to believe that she could keep the
German provinces in question, German Communists with Soviet
backing early in 1946 started hinting to the Germans that all or part of
the lands might be returned and Poland herself partitioned again
between Russia and Germany, if the Reich would accept
communization and membership in the Soviet Union. Marshall
Zhukov himself had made such a suggestion to German Communists
in April and in July Molotov at Paris had lent his tacit support when,
to the consternation of his western allies, he came out boldly for a
territorially unified, centralized strong Reich. He specifically opposed
any territorial amputations in the west and although silent on the
subject, permitted the inference that some or all of the eastern
territories might be returned. The coup came as a discomforting
surprise especially to France and the United States, whose "tough
peace" programs which they had assumed met with hearty Russian
approval, called for severe amputations of the Reich. It became plain
that Russia approved the programs only as long as her western
friends would put them forward and thereby permanently alienate
the German people.
Finally realizing that we must meet the Russian bid for German
sympathy and support, Mr. Byrnes at Stuttgart made it plain to the
Germans that, while the United States will continue to support
Poland's claim to some German territory, it does not necessarily
consider the western Polish frontier to be permanently fixed at the
Oder River. His object was clearly to place the United States in a
position to match any offer the Russians might make to return to the
Germans all or part of their lost eastern territory. Communist
inspired Polish reaction to the Byrnes statement was immediate and
bitter. The day after it was given crowds with clenched fists waving
milled about in front of the Warsaw residence of the American
Ambassador shouting, "Down with the defenders of Germany!" A
spokesman of the Polish puppet government publicly warned that
Poland "will fight" if any attempt is made to move her western
frontier east of the Oder. A little later Stalin declared that he
considers Poland's present frontiers permanent. With the situation
thus stalemated awaiting the peace settlement, Poland remains in
what may easily become permanent possession of the disputed areas.
France, meanwhile, had waged a bitter fight to deprive Germany of
vital western areas. Insisting that the Reich must be permanently
weakened by economic and political dismemberment, she demanded
that the Ruhr be detached and internationalized, that the Rhineland
be turned into an autonomous state, and that she be allowed to annex
the rich Saar coal and industrial regions. Placing settlement of these
questions and her exorbitant reparation claims above all bilateral
agreements and alliances, she attempted to force the issue by blocking
all Allied attempts to treat Germany as an economic whole.
Prior to the Molotov coup at Paris, France had been supported in her
territorial claims against Germany by French Communists with
Moscow backing. But just as she was making her strongest appeal for
Allied approval of their severe plans for western Germany, Molotov
suddenly abandoned her and made his unexpected bid for German
territorial unity and support. Rejecting outright the proposed
internationalization of the Ruhr and, by implication, French
annexation of the Saar, he quoted from Stalin's speech of November
2, 1942, in which he had said that it is "just as impossible to destroy
Germany as to destroy Russia." Opposing any "alamode" plans to
dismember or pastoralize the Reich, or to turn it into a federation or
confederation of small states, as had been proposed, he demanded
four-power control and administration of the Ruhr.
Despite this stinging Russian rejection of territorial changes in
western Germany, the United States, in exchange for a French
promise to cease blocking treatment of Germany as an economic
whole, promised to back French claims to the Saar which France
thereupon began to enlarge by annexing adjoining areas. But at
Stuttgart, Mr. Byrnes, after repeating the promise to support the
French claim to the Saar, followed Mr. Molotov's example and
opposed detachment of the Ruhr and Rhineland. His stand,
supported by both Russia and Britain, will undoubtedly force
substantial moderation in future French claims.
Byrnes declared that apart from the Saar, and the eastern territories
to go to Russia and to Poland as decided at the peace conference, "the
United States will not support any encroachment on territory which is
indisputably German or any division of Germany which is not
genuinely desired by the people concerned. So far as the United States
is aware the people of the Ruhr and the Rhineland desire to remain
united with the rest of Germany. And the United States will not
oppose their desire."
With the exceptions noted, Mr. Byrnes, here with telling effect,
applied to Germany the principles of the Atlantic Charter. There
should be no exceptions. If these principles apply to the Ruhr and
Rhineland, as they do, they apply with equal force to the Saar and to
German territories east of the Oder-Neisse line. Such principles
cannot be used merely as convenient trumps in the sordid game of
power politics without convincing the world, including the Germans,
that our stand is unprincipled, inherently contradictory, and
prejudiced, that in consequence they are being unjustly deprived of
territory vital to their very existence.
The Germans have long suffered from acute overpopulation. In
earlier years they sought relief in colonies and heavy emigration,
which incidentally brought us the large German element in our own
population. Later, they resorted to intensive industrialization. After
World War I, they were stripped of their colonies, emigration was
impeded by barriers such as immigration quotas, and their homeland
was reduced from 208,830 to 181,699 square miles. Following World
War II, emigration has been entirely prohibited, and all the Germans
in Europe are being jammed into a homeland further slashed to only
133,000 square miles.
Although Germany's population is half as large as our own, her
territory in 1937 was only one sixteenth as large as ours, or about
equal to the combined areas of Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, and
Pennsylvania. Since the present losses to Poland, Russia, and France
subtract an area as large as Pennsylvania, they mean that the 70
million Germans are being crammed into a territory no larger than
Michigan, Indiana, and Ohio.
Imagine trying to force half the people of the United States into these
three states with their cities, factories, railways, and, other
production facilities demolished!
The resultant population compression is tremendous. Thinking
people in France are justly worried that it will bring another violation
of their territory impelled by millions of desperate Germans faced by
extermination through overcrowding.
Diplomacy which creates such powder kegs is singularly lacking in
statesmanship and humanity. It makes sense only in terms of Soviet
designs.
Mass Expulsions of Outside Germans into the Shrunken Reich
The forced exodus of Germans from the lost German territories and
elsewhere in eastem Europe constitutes one of the blackest pages of
history. Potsdam gives its permission by saying that the "transfer to
Germany of German populations, or elements thereof, remaining in
Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary, will have to be undertaken."
However it adds that "any transfers that take place should be effected
in an orderly and humane manner."
Some 15 million people are victimized by this decree: a half million
from Hungary, nearly three million from Czechoslovakia, and most of
the rest from the German territories taken by Russia and Poland.
Potsdam calls for annulment of all Nazi laws which established
discrimination on grounds of race and declares: "No such
discrimination, whether legal, administrative or otherwise, shall be
tolerated." Yet these forced migrations of German populations are
predicated squarely on rank racial discrimination. The people
affected are mostly wives and children of simple peasants, workers,
and artisans whose families have lived for centuries in the homes
from which they have now been ejected, and whose only offense is
their German blood. How "orderly and humane" their banishment
has been is now a matter of record.
Winston Churchill was not exaggerating when, in referring to the
expulsions some three months after V-E Day, he informed the House
of Commons:
"It isn't impossible that a tragedy on a prodigious scale is imposing
itself behind the iron curtain which presently divides Europe."[4]
The conservative newletter, REVIEW OF WORLD AFFAIRS, quotes as
follows from a confidential memorandum prepared by an eminent
European economist:
"Since the end of the war about 3,000,000 people, mostly women and
children and overaged men, have been killed in eastern Germany and
south-eastern Europe; about 15,000,000 people have been deported
or had to flee from their homesteads and are on the road. About 25
per cent of these people, over 3,000,000, have perished. About
4,000,000 men and women have been deported to eastern Europe
and Russia as slaves. ... It seems that the elimination of the German
population of eastern Europe - at least 15,000,000 people - was
planned in accordance with decisions made at Yalta. Churchill had
said to Mikolajczyk when the latter protested during the negotiations
at Moscow against forcing Poland to incorporate eastern Germany:
'Don't mind the five or more million Germans. Stalin will see to them.
You will have not trouble with them: they will cease to exist.'"[5]
Dr. Lawrence Meyer, executive secretary of the Lutheran Church,
Missouri Synod, after a tour of Germany stated:
"About 16,000,000 German refugees east of the Oder are being
deported from their homes. It has been estimated that already
10,000,000 have been driven out. The human tragedy and suffering
caused by this 'Volkswanderung' are unparalleled in history. Hunger,
cold, sickness, and death is the lot of millions. An authentic eyewitness
report of the physical wretchedness of most of the refugees is
pictured in the following:
"A !arge barge is slowly being towed across the Oder River. In it, lying
on straw, are 300 children ranging from 2 to 14 years of age. There is
hardly a sign of life in the whole group. Their hollow eyes, their
swollen bellies, knees, and feet are telltale signs of starvation. These
are merely the vanguard of hundreds of thousands - millions of
homeless, shattered, hungry, sick, helpless, hopeless human beings
fleeing westward - west of the Oder and Neisse Rivers.
"A trust in God - in his goodness and mercy - these are the only hope
of Germany today. And thank God in many there is still faith in God
against which the gates of hell have stormed in vain during the past
decade."[6]
In describing the expulsions in Poland and Czechoslovakia, Russian
officers told Chicago Daily News correspondents:
"The Poles have cleaned out all the Germans as far west as the Oder
River, and now all that property is for any Poles who want it.
"The Czechs have taken care of the Germans in Sudetenland in their
own way - and it's not pretty. They round them up, with only what
they can carry, and start them moving."
Upon returning to his post as professor of political science at the
University of Michigan, after serving 14 months as director of AMG's
regional government coordinating office, Dr. James K. Pollock, in
August, 1946, said most of the 2-1/4 million expellees from Hungary
and Sudetenland are old women and children. He said:
"The Germans we are getting are mostly from the Sudetenland or
Germans whose families had been living in Hungary for some 500
years. They come in perfectly frightful condition. They even took the
women's wedding rings before they left. In many cases they have no
clothes except those they are wearing."[7]
An officer would call at the door of the victims and order them to
leave their home within a few hours, permitting them to take along 30
to 100 lbs. of luggage containing nothing of value which might help
them in making a new start elsewhere. The property forcibly left
behind would be confiscated by the state. Any able-bodied men found
would be hustled off to slavery. The others would then start their
perilous hegira to overcrowded Germany wholly without protection of
law, subjected to every conceivable abuse, including robbery,
beatings, rape and murder.
A dispatch in December, 1945, paints a picture of the plight of the
exiles in the new Poland, where hundreds of thousands had been
ousted from their homes and left to wander where they would.
Former German cities like Breslau are described as almost
depopulated of Germans, with Poles taking their place. The dispatch
goes on to say:
"Hundreds of thousands of persons in Poland are constantly on the
move, restlessly seeking a spot where they can grub a living out of the
war raged land. In every rail station and junction men, women, and
children await transport. Clusters of human beings, almost hidden
under loads of parcels and cans and other remnants of what must
have been their homes, wait along the roads or in blasted villages for
any transport that will carry them somewhere else. Life with its birth
and death continues even in these nomadic streams and everywhere
you see womenfold tending their sick or nursing babies."[8]
An eye-witness report of the arrival in Berlin of a train which had left
Poland with exacly 1,000 refugees aboard reads:
"Nine hundred and nine men, women, and children dragged
themselves and their luggage from a Russian railway train at Leherte
station today, after 11 days travelling in boxcars from Poland.
"Red Army soldiers lifted 91 corpses from the train, while relatives
shrieked and sobbed as their bodies were piled in American lendlease
trucks and driven off for internment in a pit near a
concentration camp.
The refugee train was like a macabre Noah's ark. Every car was
jammed with Germans . . . The families carry all their earthly
belongings in sacks, bags, and tin trunks. . . Nursing infants suffer the
most, as their mothers are unable to feed them, and frequently go
insane as they watch their offspring slowly die before their eyes.
Today four screaming, violently insane mothers were bound with
rope to prevent them from clawing other passengers.
"'Many women try to carry off their dead babies with them,' a Russian
railway official said. 'We search the bundles whenever we discover a
weeping woman, to make sure she is not carrying an infant corpse
with her.'"[9]
New York Daily News correspondent Donald Mackenzie likewise
reports from Berlin:
"In the windswept courtyard of the Stettiner Bahnhof, a cohort of
German refugees, part of 12,000,000 to 19,000,000 dispossessed in
East Prussia and Silesia, sat in groups under a driving rain and told
the story of their miserable pilgrimage, during which more than 25
per cent died by the roadside and the remainder were so starved they
scarcely had strength to walk.
"Filthy, emaciated, and carrying their few remaining possessions
wrapped in bits of cloth they shrank away crouching when one
approached them in the railway terminal, expecting to be beaten or
robbed or worse. That is what they have become accustomed to
expect.
"A nurse from Stettin, a young, good-looking blond, told how her
father had been stabbed to death by Russian soldiers who, after
raping her mother and sister, tried to break into her own room. She
escaped and hid in a haystack with four other women for 4 days . . .
"On the train to Berlin she was pillaged once by Russian troops and
twice by Poles. . . Women who resisted were shot dead, she said, and
on one occasion she saw a guard take an infant by the legs and crush
its skull against a post because the child cried while the guard was
raping its mother.
"An old peasant from Silesia said . . . victims were robbed of
everything they had, even their shoes. Infants were robbed of their
swaddling clothes so that they froze to death. All the healthy girls and
women, even those 65 years of age were raped in the train and then
robbed, the peasant said."[10]
Precedent for these inhuman expulsions was set long before Potsdam
in Romania where, according to a diplomatic report from Bucharest,
520,000 Romanian citizens of German ancestry, men between the
ages of 17 and 45 and women between 18 and 30, were rounded up
like slaves and deported to Soviet Russia. The document said "there
were heart-rending scenes and many preferred suicide to an
unknown fate in Soviet Russia."[11]
The United States had made its own direct contribution by ousting
more than 16,000 people of German extraction from Latin American
countries, obtaining permission to do so by pressure of various kinds
applied from Washington, extraditing them without trial to this
country, holding them here in concentration camps incommunicado
and still without trial, and finally deporting them out of this
hemisphere where many of them have been impressed into slavery by
England and France.[12]
These wholesale expulsions of native populations are as
reprehensible as anything the Nazis are accused of doing, and have
caused deep resentment among all classes of Germans. Had America
kept her skirts clean, and especially if she had denounced them, as
she should have done, German respect for us would have soared. As
matters stand, Germans blame us almost as much as the Russians and
Poles. Our hands, too, are stained with the blood of millions of
innocent victims of this savage, thoroughly un-American program.
Apart from the moral aspects of the matter, the dumping of all these
millions of expropriated, helpless, people into what remains of
wrecked Germany piles chaos upon chaos and helps convert the
entire German nation into one vast Belsen or Buchenwald.

Reference Notes:
[1] Karl Brandt, "The Rehabilitation of Germany," address Oct. 11, 1944, Chicago
Council of Foreign Relations.
[2] Brought out by U.S. Secretary of State Byrnes in speech at Stuttgart, Germany,
Sept. 6, 1946.
[3] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 14, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[4] August 16, 1945, as reported by E.R. Noderer, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[5] Quoted by Sen. Homer Capehart in speech before U.S. Senate, Feb. 5, 1946.
[6] Same source as No. 5.
[7] Statement to press conference August 22, 1946, in Washington, D.C., as reported
by John Fisher, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[8] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Stockholm, Sweden, Dec. 13, 1945.
[9] Henry Wales, Berlin, Nov. 18, 1945, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[10] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11554, and New York Daily News,
October 8, 1945.
[11] Chicago Herald American, April 1, 1945, p. 16.
[12] Chicago Daily Tribune, March 14, 1946.

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3) Enslavement

Allied attacks against German manpower have proceeded along three main
fronts: enslavement, denazification, and physical incapacitation through
undernourishment. Our present discussion will take up the first two of these,
with starvation postponed for special treatment.
President Roosevelt on October 21, 1944, promised that "the German people are
not going to be enslaved, because the United Nations do not traffic in human
slavery." In the preceding month of Quebec, however, he had used strong
pressure to obtain Mr. Churchill's acceptance of the Morgenthau Plan which
called for "forced German labor outside Germany." Pravda writer Boris Izakov
wrote that when in the following February at Yalta the proposal was advanced to
force German workers to rebuild war-damaged areas, "President Roosevelt called
this a healthy idea."[1] It was at this meeting that Mr. Roosevelt pressed the
Morgenthau Plan and won Mr. Stalin's ominously ready acceptance.
Although at Potsdam it was solemnly promised again that "It is not the intention
of the Allies to . . . enslave the German people," thousands of Germans had
already been marched eastward into Russia's yawning slave camps. More that a
month earlier, on June 29, 1945, the following had been published:
"German prisoners in Russian hands are estimated to number from four to five
millions. When Berlin and Breslau surrendered, the long grey-green columns of
prisoners were marched east. . . downcast and fearful. . . toward huge depots near
Leningrad, Moscow, Minsk, Stalingrad, Kiev, Kharkov, and Sevastopol. All fit
men had to march some 22 miles a day. Those physically handicapped went in
handcarts or carts pulled by spare beasts. . . They will be made to rebuild the
Russian towns and villages which they destroyed. They will not return home until
the work is completed."[2]
It has long been an open secret that Russia maintains under the direction of the
NKVD (secret police) a vast army of Russian slaves, varying in number form 10-
20 millions, mainly recruited as "political unreliables."[3] The presence and
importance of this huge slave force explains, among other things, the profitability
and frequency of Soviet Russia's many "purges": they are primarily a device for
rounding up prisoners for enslavement. It is not surprising, therefore, that the
Soviet Union should jump at the opportunity to enslave millions of defeated
enemy civilians and soldiers and, to avoid special criticism, induce her allies to do
likewise. When it was learned that the Soviets were impressing German civilian
personnel for service in factories being removed to Russia, Britain and the United
States protested. In reply the Russians produced a proclamation signed by Gen.
Eisenhower a year earlier requiring that German authorities must carry out any
measures of restitution, reinstatement, restoration, reparations, reconstruction,
relief or rehabilitation as the Allied representatives might prescribe, to
accomplish which the Germans must "provide such transporation, plant
equipment and materials of all kinds, labor, personnel, specialists, and other
services for use in Germany or elsewhere as the Allied representatives may
direct." Since the document did not require four-nation agreement, the Russians
are permitted by it to act unilaterally. After it was produced, Britain and the
United States had to withdraw their protests.
A few crippled and ailing Germans who have survived the ordeal have been
returned from the Russian slave camps to Berlin where American correspondents
have obtained first hand accounts of what is happening. German Red Cross girls
went at 9 a.m. on the morning of September 10, 1946, to meet a 20-car trainload
of returning forced laborers. As the sealed cars were opened by the armed guards
who had been riding on top, the girls were greeted with thin, scabby-faced men in
rags begging for water or hysterically calling for help in removing the dead. A
professional nurse told the story:
"They had been in the train almost a week traveling about 60 miles from
Frankfurt-on-Oder. There had been deaths from starvation, not from starvation
just during the ride, but from the hardships of the trip after months of
malnutrition in Russian labor camps. Almost all of the 800 or 900 in the train
were sick or crippled. You might say they were all invalids. With 40 to 50 packed
in each of those little boxcars, the sick had to sleep beside the dead on their
homeward journey. I did not count them but I am sure we removed more than 25
corpses. Others had to be taken to hospitals. I asked several of the men whether
the Russian guards or doctors had done anything on the trip to care for the sick.
They said 'No.'
"I met only one alert, healthy man in the lot and I have seen him since. He was
just a kid of 17. The boy told me that prisoners leaving Russian camps for
Germany are searched to prevent any from smuggling mail for their comrades.
Therefore; when one of them has been diagnosed as a hopeless invalid, in
anticipation of discharge he will memorize the names and addresses of relatives
to whom he can report for his fellow prisoners. He said only prisoners in special
favor are able to mail postcards to their nearest of kin. This kid of 17 had
memorized 80 names and addresses in Berlin of relatives of his prison friends.
He found the buildings at most of the addresses in rubble, with the present
whereabouts of the former occupants unknown, but he visited all 80 addresses in
his first six days in Berlin."[4]
The daily diet in Russian slave camps is soup and lectures on the glories of
Communism and the evils of western democracy. The slightest disobedience is
penalized by such heavy work that a third of the culprits die within three weeks
from exhaustion. A tenth of the slaves died during the first year, according to
those who have returned.[5]
If prisoners released by the Russians as unfit for further forced labor happen to
recuperate, they are re-impressed and sent back for more.[6] Moreover, able
bodied Germans we have released who have returned to their former homes in
the Russian zone are arrested by the Russians and sent to the Soviet Union for
enslavement, on the pretext that they have been rendered "politically unreliable"
through exposure to British or American influences.[7] Refusal of released
prisoners to return to the Russian zone has created a major problem, which
France has attempted to meet by permitting the men to remain in France as a
special class of citizens.
When the war ended, we enjoyed a decided advantage over the Russians in
German esteem. Aware of the barbarities of the NKVD's treatment of slaves,
German soldiers did their best to avoid falling into the hands of the Red armies,
preferring instead to surrender to the British or Americans. German prisoners
who were to be turned over to the Russians often committed suicide or tried to
incapacitate themselves by slashing their bodies with knives, razors, or bits of
glass.[8] Persistent reports coming from Russia, however, tell of large numbers of
German prisoners joining the Red Army, after indoctrination in Communism,
and justify the fear that ultimately the huge German prison army in Russia may
be successfully converted into a potent military force which may someday be
turned against the West. [9]
France, according to the International Red Cross, had 680,000 former German
soldiers slaving for her in August, 1946. 475,000 of their number had been
captured by the United States and later turned over to the French for forced
labor.[10] French treatment of her slave subjects is revolting to the civilized
conscience. In an article entitled, "We Should Not Resemble Them," FIGARO
reveals:
"In certain camps for German prisoners of war . . . living skeletons may be seen,
almost like those in German concentration camps, and deaths from
undernourishment are numerous. We learn that prisoners have been savagely
and systematically beaten and that some have been employed in removing mines
without protection equipment so that they have been condemned to die sooner or
later.
"People, of course, will point to the Gestapo tortures, the gas chambers and the
mountains of human bodies found in the internment camps in Germany. But
these horrors should not become the theme of sports competition in which we
endeavor to outdo the Nazis. . . We have to judge the enemy, but we have a duty
not to resemble him."[11]
Gathering his facts from numerous reliable sources, Louis Clair writes in THE
PROGRESSIVE of "the horrible conditions in the French camps of German
POW's." He says:
"In a camp in the Sarthe district for 20,000 prisoners, inmates receive 900
calories a day; thus 12 die every day in the hospital. Four to five thousand are
unable to work at all any more. Recently trains with new prisoners arrived in the
camp: several prisoners had died during the trip, several others had tried to stay
alive by eating coal that had been lying in the freight train by which they came.
"In an Orleans camp, the commander received 16 francs a day per head or
prisoner to buy food, but he spent only nine francs, so that the prisoners were
starving. In the Charentes district, 2,500 of the 12,000 camp inmates are sick. A
young French soldier writes to a friend just returned from a Nazi camp:
"'I watch those who made you suffer so much, dying of hunger, sleeping on cold
cement floors, in no way protected from rain and wind. I see kids of 19, who beg
me to give them certificates that they are healthy enough to join the French
Foreign Legion. . . .
Yes, I who hated them so much, today can only feel pity for them.'
"A witness reports on the camp in Langres: 'I have seen them beaten with rifle
butts and kicked with feet in the streets of the town because they broke down of
overwork. Two or three of them die of exhaustion every week.'
"In another camp near Langres, 700 prisoners slowly die of hunger; they have
hardly any blankets and not enough straw to sleep on; there is a typhoid epidemic
in the camp which has already spread to the neighboring village. In another camp
prisoners receive only one meal a day but are expected to continue working.
Elsewhere so many have died recently that the cemetery space was exhausted and
another cemetery had to be built.
"In a camp where prisoners work an the removal of mines, regular food supplies
arrive only every second day so that 'prisoners make themselves a soup of grass
and some stolen vegetables.' All prisoners of this camp have contracted
tuberculosis. Here and elsewhere treatment differs in no respect from the Nazi SS
brutality. Many cases have been reported where men have been so horribly
beaten that their limbs were broken. In one camp, men were awakened during
the night, crawled out of their barracks and then shot 'because of attempted
escape.'
"There are written affidavits proving that in certain camps commanding officers
sold on the black market all the supplies that had been provided by American
Army authorities; there are other affidavits stating that prisoners were forced to
take off their shoes and run the gauntlet. And so on, and so on . . . These are the
facts."[12]
After we had delivered the first 320,000 prisoners, the French returned 2,474 of
them to us, claiming that we had given them weaklings. Correspondents
described them as "a beggar army of pale, thin men clad in vermine infested
tatters." All were pronounced unfit for work - three-fourths of them on account of
malnutrition - and 19 per cent had to be hospitalized. Associated Press
photographer Henry Griffin, who had taken pictures of the corpses piled in all
German concentration camps, including Buchenwald and Dachau, said of the
men: "The only difference I can see between these men and those corpses is that
here they are still breathing."[13]
Asked to investigate, the Red Cross reported the prisoners were receiving
inhuman treatment. Upon our threat to stop further transfers the French
protested that they must have more prisoners or suffer heavy financial loss. It
then came out that the French Government was hiring the men out to French
employers for which it collected regular union wages, an average of 150 francs per
day per man. Out of this, the government paid each prisoner 10 francs, and stood
their daily cost of upkeep of perhaps another 40 francs, leaving a daily net profit
of 100 francs per slave. In the aggregate the French Government thus stood to
make a profit of over 50 billion francs a year from its German slaves!" [14] No
wonder it became upset when we threatened to stop handing them over.
When we resumed deliveries, we took pains to make sure that the prisoners were
in satisfactory physical condition. The men would be lined up and examined,
their mouths opened and inspected, their chest thumped, their joints tried, their
eyes, ear and teeth looked over, as if they were horses being offered for sale. GI's
witnessing this spectacle were overheard to remark: "Gee! I hope we don't ever
lose a war."
In the summer of 1946 a hopeful development which may bring an end to the
slave traffic in France put in its appearance. It began when prisoners newly
arrived from American POW camps not only refused to work in French coal
mines but persuaded prisoners already there to follow their example.[15] A
month later some of the prisoners were freed and then hired to work at full union
wages, frankly as a measure to increase output.[16] The experience proves that in
this modern world at least men when free produce more abundantly and
profitably than when enslaved.
On December, 5, 1946, it was announced that the American Government had
requested the repatriation by October 1, 1947, of the 674,000 German POW's it
had turned over to France, Belgium, The Netherlands, and Luxemburg. France
had agreed to release its 620,000 of this number but gave no definite pledge of
when they would be freed. The French Government also disclosed that the United
States, in a Dec. 21, 1945, memorandum, expressly stipulated that the Germans
captured by the American Army and handed over to France were chattels to be
used indefinitely for forced labor as part of France's war reparations from
Germany. Meanwhile reports continued to pour into the press that conditions in
the French slave camps remained as bad or worse than before - starvation diets,
little protection from the elements or disease, in filthy, vermin-infested quarters.
Great Britain in August, 1946, according to the International Red Cross, had
460,000 German prisoners slaving for her,[17] and as in the case of France
bringing in a handsome profit to the War Office. Upon embarking from our ports
the prisoners were given to understand that they were being sent home; when
they learned upon arrival in British or French ports that they were to be worked
indefinitely as slaves, they became sullen. As one British officer said, "It takes us
several weeks to bring them around where they will work hard."[18]
A British contractor employing German slaves for skilled work is reported to have
remarked:
"When you see how well they do things and how awful our own Ministry of Works
- we call the Ministry the O.C., short for organized chaos - messes things up, it
makes you wonder how we ever won the war."[19]
Among other projects, the prisoners were forced to build in Kensington Gardens
a British victory celebration camp to house 24,000 empire troops who marched
in the Empire's Victory Day parade. One foreman remarked: "I guess the Jerries
are preparing to celebrate their own downfall. It does seem as though that is
laying it on a bit thick."[20]
The British Government nets over $250,000,000 annually from its slaves. The
Government, which frankly calls itself the "owner" of the prisoners, hires the men
out to any employer needing men, charging the going rates of pay for such work -
usually $15 to $20 per week. It pays the slaves from 10 cents to 20 cents a day,
depending on the character of the work required, plus such "amenities" as slaves
customarily received in the former days of slavery in the form of clothing, food,
and shelter.[21] The prisoners are never paid in cash, but are given credits, either
in the form of vouchers for camp post exchange items or credits against the time
when they will be liberated. In March 1946, 140,000 prisoners were working on
farms, for which the Government collected $14 a week per prisoner, 24,000 on
housing and bomb damage clearance, 22,000 on railroads, mostly as section
hands, the balance at odd jobs, such as digging weeds out of the Thames river or
serving as menials for GI brides awaiting shipment to America.[22]
According to revelations by members of the British House of Commons, about
130,000 former German officers and men were held during the winter of 1945-46
in British camps in Belgium under conditions British officers have described as:
"Not much better than Belsen." The prisoners lived through the winter in tents
and slept on the bare ground under one blanket each. They say they are underfed
and beaten and kicked by the guards. Many have no underclothes or boots.[23]
In the summer of 1946 an increasing number of prisoners were escaping from
British slave camps with British civilian aid. Accounts of the chases by military
police are reminiscent of pre-Civil War pursuits of fleeing negro fugitives.[24] By
mid-September public indignation had risen to such a pitch that the British War
Office announced that plans were under way to release 15,000 slaves per month,
with preference given those displaying "genuine democratic" convictions. Army
officers and important Nazis would not be repatriated under the plan. However,
promises were made to improve conditions in the camps.[25]
The official International Red Cross report in August 1946 showed that our own
government, through its military branch in the German zone, was exacting forced
labor from 284,000 captives, 140,000 of them in the occupation zone, 100,000
in France, 30,000 in Italy, and 14,000 in Belgium.[26]
Slave holdings of other countries, as reported by the Red Cross, were: Yugoslavia
80,000; Belgium 48,000; Czechoslovakia 45,000; Luxemburg 4,000; Holland
1,300.[27]
Keeping these millions of Germans away from their families is a direct attack
against the German home and family, and in this respect serves only
Communism. Still the tie that binds the men to their loved ones has remained
strong. A dispatch from Geneva tells a touching story.
"Hundreds of tons of parcels shipped by German war prisoners in United States
camps to relatives in the Reich via the International Red Cross during the last
three years are congesting warehouses here. The Geneva organization is unable to
forward them because no central Red Cross is permitted in Germany. Other
hundreds of tons are being held in New York pending a solution.
"'The contents of the packages tell a pitiful story,' said Col. T. F. Wessels, provost
marshall at U.S. army headquarters in Frankfurt, Germany. They contain chiefly
wooden toys laboriously made by hand by the prisoners to send to their children,
and even hand made shoes for their wives and mothers. Many German captives
refrained from smoking and sent their cigarette allowances and candy. Many sent
books about American life."[28]
An attempt is made by British officials to justify the enslavement on the grounds
that the men are prisoners of war, and that as such they can be forced to work
under the Geneva Convention rules. It is said that the war is not yet legally ended,
that the prisoners are still soldiers of the German Government, and that when
they return to Germany it will be the responsibility of the German Government to
give them their pay accumulated as soldiers and prisoners. This argument rests
on the assumption that there is a German government. But they also argue that
repatriation of the prisoners cannot take place, as called for by the Geneva
Convention as soon as hostilities are over, because there has been no armistice or
peace treaty signed with Germany, and that none can be signed at present,
because there is no German Government.
By similar double-talk they justify feeding the prisoners rations well below army
standards on the pretext that the Geneva Convention which requires standard
army rations has expired with World War II; yet, when press representatives ask
to examine the prison camps, the British loudly refuse, with the excuse that the
Geneva Convention bars such visits to prisoner-of-war camps.[29]
The International Red Cross, the highest authority on the subject, roundly
condemns the slave system. As related from Geneva:
"The United States, Britain, and France, nearly a year after peace, are violating
International Red Cross agreements they solemnly signed in 1929.
"Investigation at Geneva headquarters today disclosed that the transfer of
German war prisoners captured by the American army to French and British
authorities for forced labor is nowhere permitted in the statutes of the
International Red Cross, which is the highest authority on the subject in the
world.
"Although thousands of the former German soldiers are being used in the
hazardous work of clearing mine fields, sweeping sea mines, destroying surplus
ammunition and razing shattered buildings, the Geneva Convention expressly
forbids employing prisoners 'in any dangerous labor or in the transport of any
material used in warfare.'
"Russia refused to attend the 1929 conference of the International Red Cross and
Japan never ratified that convention, so neither Moscow nor Tokyo was bound by
the provisions regulating war prisoners.
"'The American delivery of German prisoners to the French and British for forced
labor already is being cited by the Russians as justification for them to retain
German army captives for as long as they are able to work,' an International Red
Cross official admitted. 'The bartering of captured enemy soldiers by the victors
throws the world back to the dark ages - when feudal barons raided adjoining
duchies to replenish their human live stock.'"[30]
A Red Cross observer condemns the enslavement in these words:
"It is an iniquitous system and an evil precedent because it is wide open for
abuses with difficulty in establishing responsibility. German soldiers were not
common law convicts - they were drafted to fight in a national army on patriotic
grounds and could not refuse military service any more than the Americans
could. It is manifestly unjust to buy and sell them for political reasons as the
African Negroes were a century ago."[31]
It must be emphasized, moreover, that many of the slaves were never German
soldiers. Many were civilian Germans held in America during the war, including
seamen picked up before we entered the war, former legal residents of the United
States, and persons brought here by force from Latin America for having pro-
German sentiments. Even anti-Nazi Germans who have voluntarily returned to
Germany from America to help the military government rebuild the destroyed
countries and to help families and friends in dire need have been nabbed for
enslavement.[32]
In sharp contrast with our treatment of German war prisoners was German
treatment of American war prisoners. Allan Wood, war front correspondent of
the London Express, in summarizing German treatment of their prisoners said:
"The most amazing thing about the atrocities in this war is that there have been
so few of them. I have come up against few instances where the Germans have
not treated prisoners according to the rules, and respected the Red Cross."[33]
Lieutenant Newton L. Marguiles, Assistant Judge Advocate of Jefferson Barracks,
said in St. Louis, Mo., April 27, 1945:
"The Germans even in their greatest moments of despair obeyed the Convention
in most respects. True it is that there were front line atrocities - passions run high
up there - but they were incidents, not practices; and maladministration of their
American prison camps was very uncommon."[34]
Chief of Staff Gen. George C. Marshall, on Jan. 5, 1945, wrote to the National
Commander of the American Legion:
"Our treatment of them" (prisoners of war) "is governed by the Geneva
convention which, among other provisions, requires them to be furnished rations
equal in quality and quantity to those of American troops at base camps in this
country. This is done as a matter of treaty obligation and our soldiers in German
hands receive generally reciprocal treatment."[35]
The American Red Cross in 1945 reported officially that "99 per cent of the
American prisoners of war in Germany have survived and are on their way
home."
German treatment of Russian war prisoners was on a par with Russian treatment
of German war prisoners. Since Russia had not signed the Geneva Convention,
neither it nor Germany was bound by its provisions. And it must be remembered
that the atrocities in German concentration camps did not involve war prisoners,
but people supposed to be German, people who now proudly admit, those who
have survived, that they were members of the German underground, saboteurs,
doing their best to obstruct and defeat the German war effort. The treatment they
received, while deplorable and inhuman in the extreme, is on a par with Russian
treatment of her political prisoners. If one is to be condemned, so must the other,
if there is to be justice. Otherwise, we are guilty of rank discrimination,
condemning a crime committed by one, condoning or overlooking it when
committed by another. If we really fought this war to stop such things, the war
will not be over until the inmates of the Russian slave camps are also liberated. If
we fought a half trillion dollar war to free those in German camps only, but not to
free those in Russian camps, an explanation is due.
In any case, we must ask ourselves what we would do if we should go to war with,
let us say, Russia, and were beset from within by an "underground" movement of
sabotaging Communist fifth-columnists.
An attempt has been made to justify enslavement of the common man of
Germany on the ground that the Nazi government exacted forced labor from
foreign workers. It is true that the Reich had millions of imported workers, but it
is also true that, except for special cases such as war prisoners coming under the
Geneva Convention, they were for the most part paid and fed well.
Dr. James K. Pollock, for 14 months with AMG [American Military Government],
said of Germany's "forced laborers": "I think some of the persons found
themselves better off than at any time in their lives before."[36] A mass of
evidence proves that this is true and that Allied war propaganda to the contrary
was greatly exaggerated. Besides, there can be no justification for punishing the
average citizen of any country for the sins of its political leaders.
In July, 1946, Max H. Forester, chief of AMG's coal and mining division when
asked, "What did the Germans do to get efficient production for forced labor that
we are not able to do with Germans working the mines?" replied: "They fed their
help and fed them well."[37]
The American Federation of Labor in the summer of 1946 came out strongly
against the slave system as a fundamental threat to free labor all over the world.
Calling attention to tariff laws which specifically forbid the importation from
foreign countries of goods produced wholly or in part by convict, forced,
indentured, or any other form of involuntary labor,[38] AF of L spokesman
Herbert Thatcher warned in a radio address that the slave labor system may
grind down trade and production to a level that can lead to another war.
Conditions of slave labor in Britain, France, and Russia, he said, "menace world
peace and they destroy world trade." - "Therefore, the American Federation of
Labor," he concluded, "calls upon the United States government to propose to the
United Nations that all member nations renounce the use of forced labor and
agree to bar the products of forced labor from world trade."[39]
Upon his return from the Nuernberg trial Justice Jackson, who had served as U.
S. chief prosecutor, reported to President Truman that German industrialists and
financiers could be tried "on such specific charges as the use of slave labor." He
went on to say:
"We negotiated and concluded an agreement with the four dominant powers of
the earth which for the first time made explicit and unambiguous what was
theretofore, as the tribunal has declared, implicit in international law, namely,
that . . . to enslave or deport civilian populations is an international crime and
that for the commission of such crimes individuals are responsible."[40]
Willis Smith of Raleigh, N. C., President of the American Bar Association, in
defending the Nuernberg convictions said:
"The time has come when men who order criminal things to be done should
themselves be declared criminals. Since when are murder and deportations and
slave labor not crimes?"[41]
Denazification
Germany under Hitler was ruled by the single National Socialist German Workers
party, with all other parties outlawed. The system in this respect was similar to
that of the Communists of Russia who since the 1917 coup d'etat have enforced a
one party system upon the Russian people and treated all dissident political
opinions as treason.
Rejecting parliamentarism, the Nazis followed what they called the leadership
principle. The chief leader or "Fuehrer" exercised supreme authority; under him
descending layers of subordinate leaders spread out fan-wise through all
branches of society to bring the entire German nation under centralized party
control.
After it took over, leaders in all walks of life found it necessary or expedient to
join the party or one or more of its affiliated organizations. Among its 7,500,000
members were nearly all government workers, professional men, scientists,
technicians, professors, teachers, writers, and businessmen inducted as "führers"
of business and compelled under heavy penalties, such as confiscation of
property, to conform to party policies and mandates. White collar workers,
craftsmen, and technicians had to fall in line to be eligible for promotion.
Membership expanded rapidly during the war and the period of high tension
immediately preceding. Party and nation became so closely identified that to join
was to display patriotism; to refuse, to invite penalization for disloyalty. In short,
almost everybody in Germany with brains, skills, and managerial ability belonged
to the Nazi party, or one of its affiliated organizations and obeyed its orders.
By placing sole blame for the war on Germany and therefore the Nazi party, by
declaring the war to be one of aggression, and by outlawing aggression as a crime
against humanity, Germany's conquerors have condemned the Nazi party, its
affiliates, and its millions of members as criminal. The punishment meted out at
Potsdam, if carried out to the letter, would mean the virtual liquidation of
Germany's middle and upper classes.
The blanket incrimination rests upon an infirm base, as revealed in the Potsdam
denazification decrees. In one breath they order that all "discrimination on
grounds of . . . political opinion shall be abolished"; yet in the next breath they
permanently dissolve the Nazi party and its affiliated organizations and
institutions, ban propagation of Nazi political opinion, without identifying it in
particular, and call for severe punishment of all Nazis simply for being Nazis.
Potsdam commands that "Nazi leaders, influential Nazi supporters and high
officials of Nazi organizations and institutions . . . shall be arrested and interned"
and that all lesser Nazis "shall be removed from public and semi-public office and
former positions of responsibility in private undertakings."
In attempting to carry out these unusual edicts, which were looked upon as a
purge order "to throw the rascals out," the American military government issued
"Law Number Eight" to denazify business and various mandatory removal edicts,
the exact provisions of which were military secrets, to purge government of all
Nazis. Approximately 3,000,000 German men were affected in our zone out of a
total population of 16,682,000. Our occupation authorities jailed 75,000 and
earmarked another 80,000 unreturned war prisoners for internment for being
important Nazis; ousted more than 100,000 from public office; and denuded
business of managerial and technical talent by firing and demoting hundreds of
thousands of others.[42]
In other words, we set out to ruin the lives and reputations of three million men
in our zone alone because, as they see it, they made a "political mistake." In
consequence, the Germans are afraid to identify themselves with any political
party or to express any political views, for fear of being punished later on, just as
the Nazis are being punished now.
Most important of all, the zone and its people have been denied the economic
benefits which would accrue if these men were permitted to do the work which
they alone by talent, training, and experience are capable of performing. Putting
the zone's most productive men in pick and shovel gangs and filling their places
with incapables has been one of the chief contributing causes to the zone's
economic paralysis.
Our occupation authorities have been confronted with two opposing mandates
which often set them to working at cross purposes. They were ordered at
Potsdam to secure enough production to supply the needs of the occupation
forces and the "displaced persons," with enough left over "to enable the German
people to subsist without external assistance." In the attempt to carry out this
mandate some of our zonal authorities, for example, might be out scouring the
zone with scanty success for trained personnel to run the undermanned railway
system. But at the same time, some of our other authorities, attempting to
enforce the denazification decrees, would be out ahead of the others nabbing and
jailing trainmen and locomotive engineers, because they had been Nazis.
Administration of the denazification decrees proved to be a task of forbidding
magnitude. The limited AMG personnel found it impossible to get the three
million Nazis properly registered, their questionnaires filled out and tabulated,
and proper files set up. Nor could individual trials and hearings for so many be
properly conducted, especially when each error added to the rising tide of
German indignation.
Fearing organized resistance, we carried out in Gestapo fashion one of the
greatest mass raids in history. Striking at daybreak without warning, our troops
halted every vehicle in our zone, checked the papers of civilians and soldiers, and
swept through every German house from cellar to attic. Although the German
populace had supposedly been under the influence and domination of criminals
and criminal organizations for a dozen years, according to the men in charge "the
search showed less crime than perhaps would be uncovered in a similar action
over a comparable area in the United States."[43]
A few months of experience proved to us that in the denazification program we
had taken hold of a very hot iron, impossible to hold, yet difficult to drop. We
therefore tossed it to the Germans for them to handle.
The law turning the job of denazification in our zone over to the Germans was
largely formulated by one Heinrich Schmitt, a corpulent Communist Quisling
serving under AMG as Bavarian Denazification Minister. The execution of the law
was also partly placed in his hands.[44] This sort of thing is a logical outgrowth of
the program which automatically places political responsibility on former
political neutrals or active anti-Nazis, including Communists, who, with
Communist Russia signing the Potsdam Declaration, must be accepted as
"democratic."
The law is designed to permit some Nazis, otherwise condemned, to prove their
innocence or pay the penalties and be restored to citizenship. It sets up five
catgories of war criminals and potentially dangerous persons, namely:
1) Major offenders, 2) offenders broadly described as Nazi activists, militarists,
and profiteers, 3) lesser offenders, 4) followers, constituting the broad
membership of the party and affiliates, and 5) persons exonerated after a tribunal
finds them innocent.
Penalties for those in the first category range from death or life imprisonment to
imprisonment for five or more years with or without hard labor. Those in the
second category may be imprisoned for a period up to ten years. Those in lower
categories are subject to a variety of "sanctions," including loss of citizenship and
the right to vote, debarment from public office, loss of personal rights such as the
privilege to own an automobile, demotion in position with heavy cut in
compensation, discharge from position, confiscation of property, and
employment only at ordinary labor. [45]
To make matters easier, we granted an amnesty to all Nazis in our zone under 27
years of age who had no special charges against them. The action readmitted to
citizenship about a million men who, as General Clay put it, had become Nazis
before they were old enough to know what they were doing. He failed to explain
why the same consideration might not apply to most of the older men as well. At
any rate, the action was accompanied by a statement to the effect that it was the
desire of the military govemment "to offer encourgement to the youth of
Germany to understand and develop a democratic way of life."[46]
Unfortunately, most of those pardoned under the blanket order were in France,
Britain, Belgium, Holland, Russia or elsewhere for indefinite terms performing
forced labor in the manner of convicts.
Within a few months left wing critics again began to complain that the elaborate
German court system which had been set up to adjudicate the million remaining
cases was far too lenient, that it was permitting Hitler's Hordes to creep back. In
November 1946, Lt. Gen. Lucius D. Clay expressed concern over the leniency
being shown Nazis in German courts. Setting a 60 day deadline before which the
Germans must prove they had developed "the will to do this job which is not
present today," he warned that the military government was ready to take back
the job of denazification unless the German courts tightened up. The day before
the following Christmas, Gen. McNarney proclaimed a general amnesty for
approximately 800,000 "little Nazis" in the U.S. zone. Included were minor Nazis
whose incomes during the calendar years 1943 and 1945 were less than 3,000
marks and whose taxable property in 1945 did not exceed 20,000 marks.
Nevertheless, in the autumn of 1946 the Allied Control Council's Coordinating
Committee passed general denazification laws for the whole of Germany
patterned after the American zonal law, with enforcement, however, left entirely
to each zonal authority.[47] This loophole permits the other occupation
governments to continue to denazify as they see fit, which thus far has been with
greater reasonableness and leniency than have been exercised in the American
zone where enforcement, in other words, has been far more rigid and drastic than
elsewhere. At Stuttgart Mr. Byrnes was able to boast that denazification in the
American zone had been completed.
Less than four weeks later, the Nuernberg tribunal handed down its momentous
decision. Out of 22 arch-Nazis the Allied court, which certainly cannot be accused
of judicial neutrality or leniency, and which tried the cases on four all-embracing
counts, gave the death penalty to only 12, life imprisonment to three, prison
terms ranging from 10 to 20 years to four, and acquitted three. If three of the very
highest Nazis were free of all guilt, and four others were only partly guilty, the
broad party membership could not be seriously guilty at all. This means that the
denazification decrees which condemn all Nazis without trial are thoroughly
unjust. The Nuernberg proceedings themselves have been roundly condemned
for violating basic principles of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence, particularly for
condemning on the basis of ex-post facto law, for placing partisan judges on the
bench, and for excluding evidence that would reflect on the victorious powers.
But the verdict handed down at Potsdam was still worse, for there a blanket
verdict of guilty was pronounced, without even a pretense of trial, evidence, or
testimony. Under the present denazification laws, all Nazis are still guilty, unless
they can prove themselves innocent in the face of procedure which permits
violation of the accepted rules of evidence.[48]
The Nuernberg tribunal also tried various Nazi organizations to determine
whether or not they and their members were criminal. The SS, Gestapo, SD - elite
guard, secret police, and security police - and the higher brackets of the Nazi
leadership corps were adjudged criminal organizations. This means that for
acquittal, some 400,000 members must prove they were forced to join or knew
nothing of the criminality. Punishment ranges to the death penalty. On the other
hand, the SA - original storm troopers - was dismissed as not linked with
conspiracy to wage aggressive war, and the General Staff, High Command, and
Brown Shirts were found not guilty. Certainly, then, the broad masses of the
German people could not be guilty, and should not be punished.
The denazification program in general and the Nuernberg trial in particular
violates our traditional ideas of justice; on the contrary, they embody the Nazi
and Communist concept of jurisprudence - the liquidation of ideological
opponents. As Barron's weekly says:
". . . the punishment is being meted out one-sidedly to the vanquished. After all,
except that they did not commit the same spectacular atrocities on the spot, the
Russians did just about the same things in Poland that the Nazis did. Thus a
combination of excusably fanatic Nazi-haters and purposeful fellow-travelers has
provided a Roman holiday by exploiting our legitimate desire for a new
international law.
"In the eyes of the world we have adopted the Communist view of justice."[49]
Even worse, we have permitted Communists, whose worst doctrines and those of
the Nazis are identical, to continue to preach and agitate and even to work their
way into key positions in our military govemment. When we first arrived the
Germans were strongly anti-Communist; they have since started fleeing our zone
and entering the Russian where they are welcomed into the Communist party and
even into the Red Army, in whose ranks they may someday be able to get their
revenge against us.
Denazification in the Russian zone has been far more enlightened and less
economically disruptive. The strong men of the Kremlin could hardly take
seriously the condemnation of all Nazis as criminals when they know full well
that their own party, which rules Russia much as the Nazi party ruled Germany
and which demands the same blind obedience of its members, is guilty of every
act for which we so strongly condemn the Nazis: wars of aggression against
peaceful neighbors, wars of nerves, confiscation of property of whole classes
without compensation to the owners, violation of treaties and agreements,
hostility toward religion, concentration camp atrocities, slave labor, looting and
abusing conquered countries, the use of fifth columns and Quislings, one-party
rule by terror with the aid of civilian informers and a brutal secret police system,
stifling of human rights and individual liberties of all kinds, and even the aim to
conquer the world.
The Russians know this and so do the Germans. When we condone the one and
condemn the other we become ridiculous in the eyes of both.
The attitude of the Kremlin toward denazification was expressed years ago and
probably has not changed since. Russia in partnership with Hitler had just
attacked, defeated, and partitioned Poland and Hitler had proposed that since the
issue which had started the war had been settled, all the belligerents should stop
fighting and call a general disarmament conference. Britain and France had
declined with the terse remark that they would fight on for the "extermination of
Hitlerism." The Kremlin scoffed. Its reaction, which is probably still its inner
conviction, was reported by the Associated Press from highly censored Moscow
(Oct 9, 1939), as follows:
"Soviet Russia threw her weight behind Adolph Hitler's peace gestures today in
an editorial in the government newspaper Izvestia, accusing Great Britain and
France of 'returning to the middle ages' for waging war to 'exterminate Hitlerism.'
"Izvestia asserted British-French arguments that the war must be prolonged to
crush Hitlerism 'makes us return to the gloomy middle ages when devastating
religious wars were carried on to exterminate heretics and people of different
religions.' The paper asserted:
"'It is impossible to exterminate any idea or any opinion by fire and sword.
"'One may respect or hate Hitlerism or any other system of political opinion. That
is a matter of taste. But to begin a war for the 'extermination of Hitlerism' means
to admit to criminal silliness in policy.'"
Potsdam's decrees calling for the "extermination of Hitlerism" have been highly
useful to the Kremlin, however, for they have provided a basis for the liquidation
of the German "bourgeoisie" and therefore set the stage for ultimate
communization. The necessary expropriation of property has been accomplished
through confiscation of the holdings of Nazis, absentee fugitives, "war profiteers,"
and other classes of synthetic criminals. But once a nominal Nazi in the Russian
zone has been dispossessed he is offered a chance to redeem himself. He is given
his job back if he works satisfactorily for six months with clean-up crews.
Denazification is thus linked to "Aufbau" or reconstruction.[50] Minor offenders
have been tried in German courts and penitent Nazis are invited to join the
Communist party.[51] According to Reuters, German military officers have been
taken into the Red army by invitation. When the officers cross the zonal frontiers
they are nominally "arrested," placed in quarantine camps, and invited to enlist.
Upon acceptance, they are given preferential treatment. In other words, the
union of the Red and Nazi armies has begun.[52]
In her zone, Russia is taking full advantage of the many points of similarity
between her own system and that of the Nazis under Hitler. Some Germans are
remarking that "Communism is nothing but National Socialism under a different
name."[53] While we continue to pound away at the evils of Nazism, which we
apparently consider as something unique, Russia, which our army men have been
ordered not to criticize, matches up these evils to those of her own system and
thereby facilitates the desired transformation from the one to the other.
By eliminating the "bourgeoisie" in our zone we have played into the Kremlin's
hands, for the action has removed the principle barrier to the establishment of
the "dictatorship of the proletariat," and ultimate absorption of the zone into the
Soviet Union - the Kremlin's own United Nations. Our entire denazification
procedure has been highly satisfactory to Moscow, for the greater the chaos,
despair, and disgust we create, and the greater the resentment of the German
people becomes, the stronger becomes the grip of Communism, and the closer we
come to losing everything for which we fought the war.

Reference Notes:
[1] Associated Press, Moscow, March 31, 1945.
[2] Quoted in Congressional Record, March 29, 1946, p. 2864.
[3] Cf. David Dallin, The Real Soviet Russia (Yale University Press, 1944), Chapter XI, "Forced
Labor."
[4] Hal Foust, Berlin, Sept. 17, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[5] Hal Foust, Berlin, Aug. 11, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[6] Hal Foust, Berlin, Aug. 19, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[7] Hal Foust, Berlin, June 5, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[8] Associated Press, Stockholm, Nov. 30, 1945.
[9] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Geneva, Switzerland, Sept. 15, 1946.
[10] John Thompson, Geneva, Switzerland, Aug. 24, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[11] The Progressive, Jan. 14, 1946, p. 4.
[12] Louis Clair, The Progressive, Jan. 14, 1946.
[13] Congressional Record, Dec. 11, 1945, p. A-5816.
[14] Henry Wales, Paris, March 12, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[15] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Lille, France, July 6, 1946.
[16] John Thompson, Geneva, Aug. 18, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[17] John Thompson, Geneva, Aug. 24, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[18] Arthur Veysey, London, May 28, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[19] Arthur Veysey, London, May 8, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[20] Same as No. 19.
[21] Same as No. 18.
[22] Ward Walker, London, March 7, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[23] Chicago Tribune Press Service, London, May 19, 1946.
[24] Chicago Tribune Press Service, London, Aug. 27, 1946, and The Chicago Sun, Aug. 27, 1946
(London AP dispatch). [25] John Wilhelm, London, Sept. 12, 1946, The Chicago Sun, London
Bureau.
[26] Same as No. 10.
[27] Same as No. 10.
[28] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Geneva, Switzerland, May 30, 1946.
[29] Same as No. 18.
[30] Henry Wales, Geneva. Switzerland, April 13, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[31] Same as No. 30.
[32] Chicago Daily Tribune, March 14, 1946.
[33] Cf. The Progressive, Feb. 4, 1945, p. 1.
[34] Vital Speeches, May 15, 1946. p. 480.
[35] National Legionaire, Feb. 1945.
[36] James M. Haswell, Washington, Aug. 27, 1946, Chicago Daily News, Washington Bureau.
[37] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 23, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[38] Cf. Charles Manley, Washington, D.C., Aug. 18, 1946, Chicago Daily Tribune of same date.
[39] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Washington, Aug. 24, 1946.
[40] Associated Press, Washington, D.C., Oct. 15, 1946.
[41] The Chicago Sun, Oct. 11, 1946, p. 3.
[42] Lt. Gen. Lucius Clay, as reported by Hal Foust, Berlin, April 24, 1946, and Chicago Tribune
Press Service. [43] Associated Press, Frankfurt on the Main, July 23, 1945.
[44] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, Feb. 7, 1946, and April 9, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign
Service.
[45] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, March 5, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[46] The Chicago Sun, Stuttgart, Germany, July 2, 1946 (United Press).
[47] Associated Press, Berlin, Oct. 14, 1946.
[48] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Berlin, Oct. 24, 1946.
[49] Barron's, Oct. 7, 1946.
[50] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, Mar. 27, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[51] Associated Press, Berlin, Jan. 30, 1946.
[52] Hal Foust, Berlin, June 5, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[53] Edd Johnson, Berlin, Mar. 29, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.

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Location: Republic Of India
4 THE ATTACK AGAINST THE GERMAN CAPITAL
The sacking of Germany after her unconditional surrender will go down in
history as one of the most monstrous acts of modern times. Its excess beggars
description and its magnitude defies condemnation.
Allied armies that swept into Germany came with blood in their eyes and the
conviction born of propaganda that the Germans had lost caste as members of
the human race, were unworthy of protection afforded by human law and
civilized institutions such as property rights and security of person. It was not
thought of as looting, but simply as helping one's self to property the Germans
had forfeited by being German.
Russian soldiers were particularly ravenous, their appetites for loot being
restrained only by the limitation placed on their own rights to hold property.
Things the individual Russian soldier could keep, such as wrist watches, they
snatched on sight, even from the arms of Yankees.
The serious looting by the Russians was conducted officially, systematically and
thoroughly. Every house and apartment was entered, searched, and stripped of
everything at once valuable and movable - jewelry, silverware, works of art,
clothing, household appliances, money. Stores, shops, warehouses were
ransacked. Farms were denuded of farm animals, machinery, seed reserves,
fodder, wine and food stocks. Telephones were removed from residences,
telephone and telegraph lines and equipment were dismantled. Automobiles,
motor trucks, even fire engines, were seized. Everything not nailed down was
hauled away.[l] For the German standard of living must be lowered to the average
of Europe.
The Russian armies of occupation, kept equal in size to the combined occupation
forces of the western powers, live off the land, paying for requisitions by paper
occupation marks. Exorbitant occupation costs afford the Kremlin an effective
device for milking the territory. Charges in the Soviet zone of Austria are several
times greater, relatively, than those the Germans imposed on France, Belgium,
Holland, Greece, and elsewhere.[2] This, despite Austria's promised "liberated"
status.
All of the Allies have issued huge amounts of military currency which the
Germans are forced to accept in "payment." It is conservatively estimated that
altogether they have pumped into the country between 15 billion and 20 billion
occupation marks as against a normal currency circulation of between 7 and 9
billion.[3] This means that the four powers have obtained between 2 and 4 billion
dollars worth of German property for the mere cost of printing money issued in
payment.
Just as there was a preponderance of American forces in the armies that struck
against the west and south of Germany, so in these sectors was the
preponderance of the looting American. Chicago Daily News foreign
correspondent William H. Stoneman, stationed with the U.S. 3rd Army, wrote in
May, 1945, when Germany was surrendering:
"I have been impressed by the careless manner in which the booty has been
handled and the way in which great stocks of foodstuffs have been left to the
reckless inroads of looters."[4]
A few days later he cabled:
"Millions of dollars worth of rare things varying from intricate Zeiss lenses to
butter and cheese and costly automobiles are being destroyed because the Army
has not organized a system for the recovery of valuable enemy material.
"Frontline troops are rough and ready about enemy property. They naturally take
what they find if it looks interesting, and, because they are in the front lines,
nobody says anything.
"There are no M.P.s in the front lines.
"But what front-line troops take is nothing compared to the damage caused by
wanton vandalism of some of the following troops.
"They seem to ruin everything, including the simplest personal belongings of the
people in whose houses they are billeted.
"Today, we have had two more examples of this business, which would bring
tears to the eyes of anybody who has appreciation of material values.
"First I found two boxcars loaded with magnificent Zeiss rangefinders for ack-ack
guns, thousands of rare lenses, worth at rough estimate, perhaps $1,000,000.
"Most of the things we saw there - many of them scattered about the tracks - were
priceless, and thousands of dollars worth of stuff had been scattered as G.I.s
combed boxcars for binoculars and other items which appeared easy to sell.
Anybody with any knowledge of precision instruments would have cried his eyes
out to see instruments worth $500 to $1,000 scattered around like so much junk.
"Later I visited a warehouse which had been loaded with textiles and it was like a
pigsty.
"There still were thousands of yards of printed cotton goods and artificial woolen
goods lying around, but much more bad been looted by somebody or other."[5]
In one case looting resulted in arrests and trials. A WAC Captain and a Colonel
were arrested in America and tried in Frankfurt, Germany, for taking $1,500,000
worth of jewels, mostly of the House of Hesse, from a castle owned by Princess
Margaret of Hesse, granddaughter of Queen Victoria. Defense attorneys at the
trials made clear the extent of looting which had been done and the philosophy
behind it. An on the scene account reads as follows:
"The princess scored heavily against the defense contention that the owners of
the jewels were just a bunch of Nazis whose loss was a misfortune of war which
should not be singled out for prosecution from among hundreds of thousands of
thefts from Germans by the American army personnel."[6] (emphasis added)
It is, indeed, unlikely that the case would have gone to trial had the owners lacked
such imposing connections. It is well known that we took from German museums
some 200 art masterpieces with the intention of keeping them. Public opinion
was so outraged that President Truman found it expedient to promise their
return; yet no one was prosecuted or even arrested.
American Provost Marshall Lt. Col. Gerald F. Beane, whose duty it is to deal with
crimes committed by our soldiers, in an official report released in Berlin late in
1945 on the nature and extent of criminality in our army of occupation stated that
larceny and robbery are the crimes most frequently committed by our soldiers. A
leading daily comments:
"As to the crimes against property, the explanation is fairly obvious. No effective
steps were taken to discourage looting by the invading armies during the war.
Officers and men alike committed this crime and for much the most part went
unpunished. It was tolerated under some such euphemism as souvenir collecting.
The habit of stealing, once formed, is difficult to break. The fault, of course, lies
with the high command which permitted the abuse. Col. Beane's pronouncement
suggests that the army is tardily seeking to correct its error."[7]
Most of this type of looting died out during the first year of occupation; after that
the methods became more subtle and indirect. Late in July, 1946, GI's were called
to task for "sleeper purchases" of German properties which could be bought at
the time for almost nothing, but which may some day have great value.[8] Full
advantage has been taken of the currency chaos. In September, 1946, military
authorities, to kill American profiteering in the black markets and illegal
acquisition of foreign exchange, issued a new scrip currency, to replace all
"foreign and allied military currencies in financial transactions throughout
United States army installations."[9] And if official Russian accusations can be
given credence, American officials have stolen equipment from plants in our zone
earmarked for shipment to Russia on reparations account and sold it to foreign
countries for their personal profit.[10]
However, the type of looting just discussed, although it has run in value into
hundreds of millions of dollars and robbed the German people of comforts and
necessities they have sorely needed during the dreadful days through which they
are having to pass, is but petty larceny as compared to the gigantic program of
industrial sacking authorized at Potsdam.
Economic Cannibalism -
Potsdam decrees that future German production shall be so limited by the Allied
Control Council that the average German standard of living will not exceed the
average of the standards of living of other European countries, exclusive of
Britain and Russia, and that "productive capacity not needed for permitted
production" shall be taken by the conquerors as plunder or destroyed. The
prostrated German economy must be drawn and quartered and its flesh fed to
other economies, a project which has aptly been called "economic cannibalism."
Potsdam piously recites, as a mere observation, not a mandate, that the program
"should leave enough resources to enable the German people to subsist without
external assistance." At the same time it admits that remaining resources are
disastrously inadequate, for it says that the war and defeat "have destroyed
German economy and made chaos and suffering inevitable." Still, it proceeds to
lay down a reparations program to destroy or remove a large part of the scanty
remaining production facilities.
After much wrangling and horse trading, the Control Council in March, 1946,
reached its decisions fixing the future levels of production both for Germany as a
whole and for individual industries in accordance with Potsdam's stipulations. As
a top limit, but by no means a guaranteed minimum, Germany's output under
these orders may reach by 1949, but not surpass, the level to which it plunged at
the bottom of the great depression of 1932, just before the Nazis were voted into
power, when a third of the German workers were unemployed. .
In carrying out the Potsdam mandate calling for the "elimination or control of all
German industry that could be used for military production" and emphasis on
"the development of agriculture and peaceful domestic industries," many
ordinarily peaceful industries are entirely prohibited. These include shipbuilding,
manufacture and operation of airplanes, ball and taper roller bearings, nearly all
types of heavy machine tools, heavy materials, aluminum, magnesium, beryllium,
vanadium, radioactive materials, hydrogen peroxide, and synthetic oil, gasoline
and ammonia.
Exports and imports are rigidly controlled and drastically restricted. Payments
for necessary imports are given first call on proceeds from exports. Imports are
confined mostly to a small amount of food and nitrates for fertilizer; exports are
limited largely to coal, potash, and lumber. Foreign trade in the ordinary sense
has been impossible, however, and will remain so, as long as the mark is given no
value in terms of other currencies.
Future production of a large number of domestic industries is drastically
restricted. Electrical engineering is cut in half; mechanical engineering by twothirds.
Synthetic textiles are sharply curtailed. Over-all chemical production is
reduced to 45 per cent of the old level. Steel production may not surpass
5,800,000 ingot tons a year, against the former 54,000,000 ton capacity.[11]
Britain had argued that such a level would turn the Reich into an economic desert
and had fought for a 7,500,000 ton level. Since Russia had held out for a much
lower figure, however, the 5,800,000 ton ceiling was reached as a compromise.
All during the negotiations Russia had fought for extremely low production
ceilings. She had even asked for a sharp reduction in permitted food imports, to
reduce the volume of necessary exports, and thus to free more industrial booty in
which she was to share. When a little later shipment of reparations to her from
the western zones was halted, she suddenly reversed her stand, however, and
asked for higher ceilings. Molotov specifically demanded higher coal production
and said, "The Reich must be permitted more steel, greater industry and foreign
trade."
Mr. Byrnes at Stuttgart stubbornly defended the agreed production ceilings and
insisted the program would permit some betterment in the German standard of
living if the German people would work and save hard enough.
Apart from generating bitter despair through closing the door to any hope of
achieving prosperity, the ceilings have had little practical significance, because
actual German output has remained far below the permitted levels. Our military
authorities have asserted that it will require years for German recovery to reach
the ceilings which have been set. The current effect of the program has been
largely confined to repression of power to produce thorough destruction and
removal of productive capacity and other measures, such as the banning of
scientific research.
German science, upon which German industry depended heavily, has been dealt
a lethal blow, partly by direct prohibitions and partly by the operations of the
denazification decrees which automatically ended the careers of the great
majority of German scientists, at least within the Reich. Potsdam has ordered
control of "all German public or private scientific bodies, research and
experimental institutions, laboratories, etc., connected with economic activities."
In harmony with this decree, German science has been suppressed by orders
from the Control Council.
Research (in Germany) by scientists who had been Nazis or had contributed to
the development of German weapons, secret or otherwise, has been banned.
Others, and they are very few, are forbidden to probe into a long list of specific,
comprehensive subjects, 10 general categories of chemicals, and anything of
military value or nature. Pure or theoretical science - explorations into the basic
laws of nature and the like - may be conducted by the few eligibles, but only
under military government surveillance.
In other words, German science has been destroyed, and with it German ability to
compete commercially with the war victors.
German scientists, as a matter of fact, have become a highly esteemed form of
war plunder. Russia, the first to recognize their value, was unable to hide her
anxiety and frantic efforts to grab as many as she could. Britain, France, and the
United States were not slow in following her example, entering the competition
with marked success. We even managed to kidnap a large number from the
western Russian zone when we retired to let the Russians take over. At first our
interest was confined to experts who had been working on war developments,
especially atomic fission and secret weapons. Others in our zone, including
numbers who had fled before the Red armies, were held in jail. We changed this
wasteful policy, however, after Dr. Roger Adams, head of the chemistry
department of the University of Illinois and scientific adviser to the deputy
governor of AMG, declared it unwise to confine ourselves only to war industry
scientists, since many of those languishing in prison would prove equally valuable
to us for other purposes if we chose to use them. In consequence we have now at
our disposal hundreds of ex-German scientists who no doubt constitute one of
our most profitable acquisitions taken from the fallen Reich. Perhaps they should
be counted as reparation.
In addition we have sent into Germany teams of experts to scour the country and
search out all German patents, designs, and secret processes, privately owned, or
otherwise. According to Assistant Secretary of State Willliam L. Clayton, in
testimony before a U.S. Senate committee in June 1945:
"We intend to secure the full disclosure of an existing German technology and
invention for the benefit of the United Nations. . . This Government and other
governments with which Germany has been at war have reduced to their control
inventions and designs both patented and unpatented which were owned and
controlled by German nationals at the time of the outbreak of war . . . It is
probable that no steps will be taken by either the legislative or executive branch
of this government which would have the effect of returning such rights to the
former German owners."
Mr. Morgenthau called for the industrial sacking of Germany by proposing that,
instead of repeating the mistake made after the last war by demanding
"reparations in the form of future payments and deliveries," requiring
production and sale of exports, this time
"reparations shall be effected by the transfer of existing resources and territories,
e.g. . . . by transfer of German territory and German private rights in industrial
property situated in such territory to invaded countries. . .; by the removal and
distribution among devastated countries of industrial plants and equipment . . .;
by forced German labor outside Germany; and by confiscation of all German
assets of any character whatsoever outside of Germany." (emphasis added)
These proposals to trample on the sanctity of private German property could
hardly fail to meet with wholehearted approval in the Politburo. In effecting the
program no pretense is made that the owners of confiscated private property will
be compensated now or later by either the Allies or the German government, for
the latter, if it is ever established, will no doubt be so weak that such
compensation would be beyond its financial capacity.
Yet the Hague convention in Article 46 in the section dealing with "Military
Authority Over the Territory of the Hostile State" says: "Private property cannot
be confiscated." Article 53 underscores the point by saying that any private
property taken during an occupation "must be restored and compensation fixed
when peace is made."
In view of the present deadly, worldwide assault against the institution of private
property, those who pretend to be its defenders should insist upon adherence to
these provisions of international law. Flagrant Big Four violations not only create
the injustices the laws were established to prevent but incriminate the victors of
World War II for the very actions for which they so strongly and justly
condemned Hitler. One can readily understand why Socialistic Soviet Russia
would violate private property rights in occupied countries, but the same cannot
be said of the United States.
Russia at Yalta took the lead in demanding that German reparations be set at 20
billion dollars, half of which was to go to herself. President Roosevelt, engrossed
as he was in his "great design," gambling that Russian suspicions of the western
capitalistic powers could be allayed by giving Stalin everything he wanted, and
more, agreed to support the demand. Prime Minister Churchill, however, pointed
out the obvious fact that if Germany was to be so weakened by deindustrialization
that she could not pay reparations from current production and
if reparation was to be limited to plant and equipment discarded by deindustrialization,
there could be no justification for Russia's position. The deindustrialization
program would automatically limit the amount of reparation to
the amount to plant and equipment not ruined by war, less whatever amount
would be left to the Germans. For the sake of harmony, however, the 20 billion
dollar figure was accepted "as a basis for discussion."
At Potsdam Russia was apportioned the lion's share of the reparation. She was to
receive all from her own zone, plus 25 per cent from the other zones. Of the latter,
two-fifths was to go to Russia outright and three-fifths was to be given to her "in
exchange for an equivalent value of food, coal, potash, zinc, timber, day products,
petroleum products, and such other commodities as may be agreed upon,"
presumably to be taken from her zone. President Truman said of the
arrangement: "It is a means of maintaining a balanced economy in Germany and
providing the usual exchange of goods between the eastern part and the western."
In other words, one section of German economy must give up to Russia 15 per
cent of the flesh to be stripped from its bones in order to receive sustenance from
another section - a most remarkable form of economic cannibalism.
The value of Germany's bombed and battered plant and equipment remaining at
the end of the war has been officially estimated at between 5 and 10 billion
dollars, of which 45 per cent was located in the Russian zone where Russia was
given a free hand. Under the "level of industry plan" 40 per cent of this was to be
available for removal as reparation or destroyed. Total reparation, therefore,
could not be more than 2 to 4 billions, and if Russia were to adhere to the general
plan in her zone her total share from all Germany could not exceed 2.4 billion
dollars.
At first Russia went along amicably with the program and, according to some
reports, apparently took far less than the 40 per cent allowable from her own
zone. In March, 1946, the head of the local Thuringian government told
correspondents permitted to visit there on a conducted tour that Russia has
dismantled less than 100 out of Thuringia's 5,200 industries.[12] A later report
had it that out of 6,272 industries in the province only 310 had been dismantled,
of which 80 had been able to get under way again. Neither gave the relative size
of the establishments seized. If the plants taken were of average size, they
constituted only 2 to 5 per cent of the total. Early in the summer of 1946 the
United States estimated that actual removals from the Russian zone amounted to
between 500 and 750 million dollars, exclusive of war booty, restitution for
destroyed or stolen Russian goods, or occupation costs.[13] This was still less
than the allowance. Considering how thoroughly she stripped such regions as
Manchuria and northern Iran before evacuating her troops, her early restraint in
her German zone, if true, would suggest an ulterior motive.
What this motive might be is indicated by the fact, also according to reports, that
over 90 per cent of the plants in her zone were in operation, with from 80 to 100
per cent of their output going to Russia as occupation costs or reparation. For
example, at one plant with an output of 20 million razors, the German market
was to receive 3 million; the rest was to go to the Soviet Union. Persistent rumors,
moreover, told of large German munitions plants operating day and night in the
zone producing munitions and implements of war for the Soviet Union.
Meanwhile reparations shipments from the western zones had gotten under way
in April. The first shipment was six shiploads carrying the physical assets of the
Deschimag shipyard, Germany's largest, valued at $4,800,000. Soon to follow
were 20 carloads of machinery and tools valued at $5,000,000, representing half
of the assets of the country's largest ball bearing plant. Other early shipments
included the Gendorf unit of the Anorgana Chemical works, valued at
$10,000,000 and the vast Daimler-Benz underground aircraft engine plant near
Oberingheim.
By May, according to Reparations Commissioner Edwin W. Pauley, the U.S. zone
had earmarked 144 plants for removal to Russia, of which 35 or 40 were actually
shipped, before we suddenly halted further shipments on the ground that we
must do so to protect the economic interests of our zone until interzonal
economic unity had been achieved, in harmony with Potsdam. Shortly before
this, however, the western powers had failed to get the Russians to agree on how
much inspection a four power commission would be allowed to do in all four
zones, including the Russian. The idea has originated in the Paris conference of
Foreign Ministers to allay interzonal suspicions and to give each occupying power
a clearcut picture of disarmament in other zones. Britain has hinted that she
wanted to check rumors that munitions were being turned out in the Russian
zone; Russia had retorted with the direct accusation that Britain had not
disbanded large units of the captured German army and wanted to investigate.
Whatever the reasons, we stopped further shipments of reparations from our
zone. And then the storm broke loose.
Russia apparently reversed her whole attitude toward Germany. In June at Paris
Molotov declared it ridiculous to try to destroy Germany, called for a strong,
centralized and economically balanced Reich with the Ruhr and Saar attached,
specifically asked for higher steel and coal production levels than those Russia
had previously agreed upon, saying, "The Reich must be permitted more steel,
greater industry and foreign trade," and added, "The Soviet Government insists
that reparations from Germany to the amount of ten billion dollars be exacted
without fail." His object was clear: Russia now wanted a Germany able and
required to pay large reparations so heavy that socialization would become
mandatory, with "Anschluss" with the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics to
follow.
Meanwhile, Russia was stripping her zone to the bone, implying that it was
necessary to do so to guarantee a continued flow of reparations to the Soviet
Union. Many of Germany's greatest producers of civilian goods were dismantled
and shipped eastward. Among them were the two largest shoe factories (Lingel
and Tack); the largest sugar refineries in the great beet-sugar region; the largest
grain processing mills in Europe, at Barby near Magdeburg; the great Bemberg
Silk Mills, famous before the war for their hosiery and lingerie, and the Zeiss
Optical Works at Jena. All secondary rail lines were torn up and all electric
locomotives removed from the zone.
But many of the confiscated plants were left in Germany where they could be
operated by Germans for Russia's benefit. She installed Russian or Communist
foremen and placed Russians or Communists on the Boards of Directors. In this
fashion she acquired complete ownership and control of 200 of Germany's key
industries comprising the zone's real economic wealth and employing 1,300,000
workers - a third of the zone's working population. Examples of the industries
seized are all of the I.G. Farben Industrie plants in Saxony, including the famous
Leuna chemical factories at Merseburg, Bitterfeld, and Wollin; the Reich's only
important copper works, the Mansfield Co., in Saxony; the machine works of
Krupp Gruson at Magdeburg; the Brabag Brown Coal and Gasoline Co., near
Gera in Thuringia; the Polysius machine works at Dessau; and many of the most
important iron ore plants, machine tool factories, coal mine companies, potash
mines, and electrical plants.
America, which from the beginning had been the most zealous in carrying out deindustrialization
in its own zone, made no protest to Russia until it was learned
that two establishments owned by American concerns, the United Shoe
Machinery Co. and the Corn Products Refining Co., had been among those seized.
We then offered the suggestion that Allied owned property should be exempted
from seizure and added the pious thought that plants producing civilian goods
should be kept in Germany. Our note went unanswered. It is known, however,
that Russia has invented numerous excuses to give her seizures apparent legality,
among them being the contention that plants with international backing are
abandoned property and that the owners, most of whom have fled or been
liquidated, were war profiteers.
Since Britain had come forward with a scheme to nationalize the Ruhr and other
industries in her zone, potentially worth billions of dollars, in a manner that
would place title to much of it in her own hands as "custodian" without one cent
of compensation to the former owners, she had lost all moral ground on which to
base a protest against the Russian action. Nor could the French object, in view of
their avaricious, vengeful treatment of their own zone, where looting has been
just as thorough as in the Russian, but far less intelligent; where, for example,
they demand most of the crops to be harvested and at the same time requisition
draft animals in July just when most needed to help gather the harvest.
Although America went about the business of dismantling and dynamiting
German plants with more fervor than was at first exhibited in any other zone, our
motive was quite different from the motives of our allies. Russia is anxious to get
as much loot as possible from Germany and yet to make it produce abundantly
for Russia to help make her new five year plan successful, and ultimately to
absorb the Reich into the Soviet Union. France is ravenous for loot, has been
anxious to destroy Germany forever and to annex as much of her territory as
possible. Britain has found uses for large amounts of German booty, wants to get
rid of Germany as a trade competitor, while retaining her as a market for British
goods. The United States has no use for German plant and equipment as booty,
and has often said so. We consider our own abundant production equipment
superior. Apart from one or two special cases, our primary interest in German
assets has been in those located outside Germany, to eliminate German
competition in world trade. We are willing to permit the German people to
subsist on their own little plot of land, if they can, but we are determined that
they never again shall engage in foreign commerce on an important scale. In
partnership with Britain we have carried out a systematic campaign to root out all
German contacts and assets located abroad and have put our own traders in their
place.
Known as the "replacement program," the campaign is closely related to the
"safehaven" program which calls for the forcible elimination of all accumulations
of German capital abroad.
The following extracts from testimony by assistant Secretary of State William L.
Clayton before the "Kilgore Committee" of the U.S. Senate, June 25, 1945, tell the
story:
"LATIN AMERICA"
"The government soon determined that German enterprises could not be
permitted to survive . . . in this hemisphere. The replacement program was
accordingly evolved as a means of bringing about the elimination of German
enterprises and of German interests.
"The businesses of any persons who were acting against the political and
economic independence or security of the American republics 'shall be the object
of forced transfer or total liquidation.'" German economic and political
penetration in this hemisphere has, for the most part, been dealt a blow from
which it will probably not recover . . ."
"THE SAFEHAVEN PROGRAM"
"The replacement and safehaven programs are both based upon the common
knowledge that totalitarin Germany was able to marshall the ostensible private
interests of German nationals abroad for the purpose of waging economic war." -
"The safehaven program concerns itself with denying to Germany" among other
things "the German capital investments already located abroad when the war
began." - "The financial and corporate interests of German nationals located
outside of Germany have either been seized or will be subject to seizure." (Mr.
Clayton also advocated that Germans with brains and skills, including citizens of
Latin American countries of German extraction who had publicly expressed any
sympathy for the German cause, should be extradited and sent to Germany.)
Accordingly, we have confiscated nearly a billion dollars of property in this
country believed by our Justice Department to be owned by Germans, although
held in the name of citizens of neutral countries such as Sweden and Switzerland.
Attorney General Clark says the Justice Department contends these holdings now
belong to the United States Government.
The external operation of the program has been illustrated by our forcing
Switzerland, Sweden, Spain and other countries to hand over their German
owned assets. Sweden, for example, held German wealth valued at 104 million
dollars. At the same time we held 200 million dollars of Swedish assets which we
had "blocked," that is, cut off from Swedish control during the war. We used
these blocked funds as a club to compel Sweden to turn the assets over to us.
After long negotiations, she finally did deliver 77 million dollars worth of the
German resources and we in turn unblocked the 200 million dollars in Swedish
funds in America. After obtaining the funds we confiscated them and divided the
loot with Britain and France.
We were able to obtain half of the 200 to 250 million dollars worth of German
assets held in Switzerland and pried loose over 100 million dollars worth of
German assets from Spain. We have used and are using every weapon and
pressure at our command to root out and confiscate German assets all over the
world, and in the process, as Mr. Clayton testified, have dealt a death blow to
German foreign trade.
That we officially recognize that the program will also destroy Germany and
exterminate the German people was made perfectly clear by Mr. Clayton in his
testimony before the Kilgore Committee. Dr. Schimmel, chief investigator, had
inquired of the Under-Secretary of State if it were not true that the Germans had
made their successful penetration of South American trade for the purpose of
acquiring superior information facilities. Mr. Clayton replied:
"With the Germans it was not a matter of information, it was largely a matter of
necessity. I mean they had to have foreign trade, they had to export in order to
live. The country has, as you know, very little natural resources. The only natural
resources of any consequence that they have are coal and potash, and they had to
export manufactured goods in order to acquire the raw materials that they
needed in their economic life, in their industry, and foreign trade was an
absolute necessity for the Germans. "(emphasis added)
Taking their foreign trade away from them, and making it impossible for them to
export manufactured goods, the program advocated by Mr. Clayton and
embodied in the Potsdam agreements, was tantamount, therefore, to
pronouncing the death sentence on the German people.

Reference Notes:
[1] Henry Wales, Berlin, April 8, 1947, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[2] Lee Hills, Vienna, Austria, July 20, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[3] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service. Cf. also Edd Johnson, Berlin,
April 29, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.
[4] William H. Stoneman, with U.S. 3rd Army, May 4, 1945, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[5] William H. Stoneman, with U.S. 3rd Army, May 8, 1945, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[6] Hal Foust, Frankfurt, Germany, Aug. 26, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[7] Chicago Sunday Tribune, Nov. 18, 1945, p. 22.
[8] Associated Press, New York, July 24, 1946, Chicago Daily News.
[9] United Press, Berlin, Sept. 25, 1946.
[10] United Press, Moscow, Aug. 2, 1946, Chicago Daily News.
[11] Allen Haden, Washington, Nov. 14, 1944, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[12] Edd Johnson, Berlin, Mar. 28, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.
[13] James P. Warburg, The Chicago Sun, Aug. 5, 1946, p. 10.

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Location: Republic Of India
5 BASTARDIZING THE GERMAN RACE
Not only have the conquerors set out to destroy Germany economically by pulling
down the three pillars of production but they have launched an assault against
the German race itself by an attack against its mothers. From the record it
appears that the men who met at Yalta deliberately formulated a diabolical
program of racial bastardization which they considered an appropriate response
to the claim of racial superiority.
A Russian General told General Ira Eaker, Commander of the Mediterannean air
forces:
"We've decided just to kill all the German men, take 17,000,000 German
women and that will solve it."
Something on this order was obviously the intent.
The millions of German men of marriageable age not killed or disabled in war
were marched off into slavery where they could not protect their wives,
sweethearts, daughters and sisters. And then the attack began.
From the east came the Bolshevized Mongolian and Slavic hordes, repeatedly
raping every captured woman and girl, contaminating them with venereal
diseases and impregnating them with a future race of Russo-German bastards. In
the west the British used colonial troops, the French Sengalese and Moroccans,
the Americans an excessively high percentage of negroes. Our own method was
not so direct as the Russian: instead of using physical force, we compelled the
German women to yield their virtue in order to live - to get food to eat, beds to
sleep in, soap to bathe with, roofs to shelter them.
Senator Eastland of Mississippi, after a European tour of observation, told his
colleagues in the U.S. Senate early in December, 1945: "The virtue of womanhood
and the value of human life are civilized man's most sacred possessions, yet they
are the very cheapest thing in Russian-occupied Germany today."
He had learned first-hand of such incidents as the following, told by a priest in a
letter smuggled out of Breslau, Germany, September 3, 1945:
"In unending succession were girls, women and nuns violated. . . Not merely in
secret, in hidden corners, but in the sight of everybody, even in churches, in the
streets and in public places were nuns, women and even eight-year-old girls
attacked again and again. Mothers were violated before the eyes of their children;
girls in the presence of their brothers; nuns, in the sight of pupils, were outraged
again and again to their very death and even as corpses."[l]
Meanwhile newspaper headlines assured us that "Ivan and Joe Are Brothers
Under the Skin."
Prime Minister Churchill had told the Germans in January, 1945, just before they
surrendered unconditionally:
"We Allies are no monsters. This, at least, I can say on behalf of the United
Nations. . . Peace, though based on unconditional surrender, will bring to
Germany and Japan immense and immediate alleviation of suffering and
agony."[2]
When our Russian Allies "liberated" Danzig they promptly liberated all the
women of their virtue and chastity - by raping all - from small girls to ladies as
much as 83 years of age. A 50-year-old teacher says that her niece, 15, was
violated seven times the day after the Russians arrived, while her other niece, 22,
was raped 15 tirnes the same day. When women of the city pleaded for protection,
a Russian officer told them to seek shelter in the Catholic Cathedral. After
hundreds of women and girls were securely inside, the brave sons of mother
Russia entered and "playing the organ and ringing the bells, kept up a foul orgy
through the night, raping all the women, some more than 30 times.[3]
A Catholic pastor of Danzig states: "They even violated eight-year-old girls and
shot boys who tried to shield their mothers."
It was the same in all regions overrun by the Communist Armies. When Berlin
fell the Commander told his Russian soldiers the women of the city were theirs,
to help themselves. They did! The only escape the women had was suicide.
The following is an eye-witness account of what the Russians did in eastern
Germany written by a veteran American newspaperman who had been taken
prisoner by the Germans in Paris and later freed by the Russians with whom he
stayed for nearly three months as they swept over eastern Germany and on to
Berlin and beyond:
"REDS TERRORIZE CONQUERED WITH RAPE AND DEATH
"London, August 4, 1945 - As our long line of British Army lories (trucks)
carrying American, British, and French liberated prisoners of war from the
Russian to the main Anglo-American zone of Germany rolled through the main
street of Brahlsdorf, the last Russian occupied-town, a pretty blond girl darted
from the crowd of Germans watching us and made a dash for our truck.
"Clinging with both hands to the tailboard, she made a desperate effort to climb
in. But we were driving too fast and the board was too high. After being dragged
several hundred yards she had to let go and fell on the cobblestone street.
"That scene was a dramatic illustration of the state of terror in which women in
Russian-occupied eastern Germany were living. All these women, Germans,
Polish, Jewish, and even Russian girls 'freed' from Nazi slave camps were
dominated by one desperate desire - to escape from the Red zone."
"In the district around our internment camp - the territory comprising the towns
of Schlawe, Lauenburg, and Buckow and hundreds of larger villages - Red
soldiers during the first weeks of their occupation raped every woman and girl
between the ages of 12 and 60. That sounds exaggerated but it is the simple
truth."(emphasis added)
"The only exceptions were girls who managed to remain in hiding in the woods or
who had the presence of mind to feign illness - typhoid, dyptheria or some other
infectious disease. Flushed with victory - and often with wine found in the cellars
of rich Pomeranian land owners - the Reds searched every house for women,
cowing them with pistols or tommy guns, and carried them into their tanks or
trucks.
"Husbands and fathers who attempted to protect their women folk were shot
down and girls offering extreme resistance were murdered.
"Some weeks after the invasion, Red 'political commissions' began a tour of the
countryside ostensibly in search of members of the Nazi party. In every village
the woman were told to report for examination of papers to these commissions,
which looked them over and detained those with sex appeal. The youngest and
prettiest were taken by the officers and the rest left to the mercy of the privates.
"This reign of terror lasted as long as I was with the Reds in Pomerania. Several
girls whom I had known during my captivity committed suicide. Others died after
having been raped by ten soldiers in succession.
"In an isolated farmhouse where my French comrade and myself spent three
months after joining the Reds, there were eight young girls from neighboring
villages hiding from the Reds. One was always on watch and when the Russians
were seen approaching they scampered off into a nearby woods and hid in the
dense underbrush. This sometimes happened several times daily and the girls
never had a quiet moment but while we were there the Reds never discovered
them.
"All of these girls already had been raped and three of them - one a little girl of 13
- were pregnant.
"Inevitably the Red occupation is having a disastrous effect on the morality of the
inhabitants and the existing conditions of anarchy will exert an evil influence for
years. Many woman have been infected with venereal diseases and now a very
few youthful girls have joined the Reds for pleasure and food and are helping
them spot their compatriots.
"Whenever possible, girls attach themselves to liberated Anglo-American or
French prisoners of war for protection against the Russians. Curiously, the Reds
seemed to have a special code of honor in this respect - they will take an Allied
prisoner's watch but won't touch his girl.
"When the Red Army starts a big offensive its commanders held out prospects of
unrestricted rape and pillage as encouragement to the troops, but later they try to
stem the tide of lust - not on grounds of humanity but because it threatens to
undermine discipline.
"Squadrons of Cossacks, used by the Reds as they were by the Tsar, as mounted
police, periodically surrounded villages in Pomerania and searched all the houses
for deserters and stragglers who had remained behind with women. The Cossacks
mercilessly drove the soldiers off to jail with their 'nagaikas' - Cossack whips - but
they kept the women for their own pleasure."[4]
In refusing Yamashita's plea for clemency General MacArthur in the following
words condemned the Japanese leader for his maltreatment of the defenseless:
"The soldier, be he friend or foe, is charged with the protection of the weak and
unarmed. It is the very essence and reason for his being. When he violates this
sacred trust, he not only profanes his entire cult but threatens the very fabric of
international society. The traditions of fighting men are long and honorable. They
are based on the noblest of human traits - sacrifice."[5]
The Russians were not alone in violating these principles. Police records of
Stuttgart show that during the French occupation, 1,198 women were raped and
eight men violated by French troops, mostly Moroccans. Dr. Karl Hartenstein,
prelate of the Evangelical church in the city estimated the number at 5,000. Frau
Schumacher, secretary of the police woman's section, in submitting a
documented report on numerous rapings, said that on the night the French
evacuated the city a child of 9 was raped and killed, her mother also raped and
shot, and her father killed by Moroccans. In the town of Vailhingen, with a
population of 12,000, for example, 500 cases of rape were reported.[6] So it went
in areas occupied by the French.
While a good number of American troops have resisted the example of others and
deported themselves in a manner becoming their Christian backgrounds, the
record for our occupation forces as a whole is dark.
An Associated Press dispatch from Nuernberg, Germany, quotes a letter which
appeared in STARS AND STRIPES written by Capt. Frederick B. Eutsler,
Chaplain of the 478th United States port battalion, charging that public behavior
of American troops in Germany had become deplorable. He urged that the
newspaper "launch a crusade against this disgraceful conduct which is earning a
bad name for our army," and added, "I refer particularly to the assumption of
many GI's that every German woman is immoral and it is their privilege to force
their attentions on these women and insult them with indecent proposals.[7]
In April, 1946, the military authorities found it necessary to "crack down" and
ordered stricter adherence to soldierly standards so as not to "discredit" the "fine
performance of our troops in general."[8]
That same month an anonymous staff sergeant wrote in STARS AND STRIPES a
charge that married men in the army were afraid to bring their wives to Germany
because many American soldiers behaved like "supercharged wolves" toward
women in public. He wrote: "Wise up, men. The hardest part of the war is now
being fought, not with tommy guns, but with personalities. Let's show the
Germans that we are men, not pigs."
In reporting the latter, Edward P. Morgan of the Chicago Daily News foreign
service wrote:
"Whether he knew it or not the sergeant aired a subject which long has been a
sore spot with Arnerican - and other - women in the European theatre. Ask
almost any woman correspondent who has been around Europe at all and she will
tell you reluctantly that the conduct of the average American soldier in public
toward women is "disgraceful" compared to the reserve and discipline of his
British, Russian, and French Allies.
"Now that spring has come to Bavaria, one of the favorite pastimes of the GI's in
Nuremberg seems to be to drive slowly along the curb in jeeps and reach out and
pat the posteriors of startled frauleins."[9]
When wives of men in our occupation forces arrived in Germany it became
necessary, for their protection against indecent advances by American men, to
wear special badges on their arms to distinguish them from German women.
One of the consequences of the immoralities of howling G.I. wolf packs is an
upsurge in venereal diseases which has reached epidemic proportions. Before we
arrived, although the rate had increased with the return of German soldiers from
France and North Africa, it was still moderate and well under control. After our
arrival, contamination soared. In December, 1945, only 7 per cent of German
civilians receiving venereal disease treatment were men; by August, 1946,
however, men constituted 41 per cent of the patients.[10] In other words,
contamination had spread from our troops to the German women and finally to
German men.
A large proportion of the contamination has originated with colored American
troops which we have stationed in great numbers in Germany and among whom
the rate of venereal infection is many times greater than among white troops. In
July, 1946, the current rate of infections among white soldiers was 190 per 1,000
men per annum, meaning that slightly less than one in five would be infected in
the course of a year. In contrast the rate among negro troops stationed in the
American zone of Germany was 771 per thousand![11] In speaking of this general
problem, Lee Hills, Chicago Daily News foreign correspondent, writes:
"Two of the biggest headaches in the American occupation of Germany are
problems we brought with us. One is the extreme youth and inexperience our
army men . . . The other problem - and one so politically touchy the War
Department is afraid to remedy - is the heavy use of Negro American troops. The
result, despite some superb Army leadership at the top, is that American prestige
has steadily dropped from its V-E Day peak.
"The top men in Germany, almost without exception, think it's a mistake to have
so many (42,000) Negro troops here. 'They're simply not trained and disciplined
for this job, which is vastly more complicated and delicate than fighting,' said one
general. 'They have a higher crime rate, a venereal disease rate several times that
of the white soldier, and a worse record for mischief in general. . . Frankly, the
worst problem comes from our colored troops going with white German girls.
This stirs bitter hatred among German men. Many of our own soldiers feel almost
as strongly about it.'"[12]
That the German women do not accept advances from American troops out of
choice but rather out of sternest necessity is shown by the close connection
between the venereal disease rate and availability of food. As one correspondent
writes:
"Statistics show that the venereal rate is related to the food supply of the German
civilians during our occupation. After the winter's supply of potatoes was issued
to the Germans last fall, there was a drop in the number of soldiers infected. As
frauleins became more hungry, more soldiers were infected. Ration cuts last
spring also were reflected in higher venereal figures."[13]
The German press broke its long silence on the subject of venereal contamination
in a front page editorial in the NEUE ZEIT, a Soviet licensed Berlin newspaper.
The author, a young woman editor named Renate Lengnick, whose husband had
not returned from the American zone of occupation, where he was a prisoner of
war, struck at the collapse in moral foundations for sex relations: She wrote:
"There are husbands and sweethearts who have not yet returned. Many never will
return. There are girls who will never have husbands. There is unemployment.
Apprenticeships are empty promises. There is little to inspire hope.
"Thirty-five per cent of the civilian venereal disease victims are girls under 20.
For most of them it was desperation that turned them to sex indulgence. They
needed food, clothing, and shelter. Most important of what they lacked was hope
for a normal, decent life.
"Doctors and police must continue their campaign of eradication without
abatement. We must also rescue the spirit as well as the bodies of youth from
demoralization."[14]
The main difference between American and Russian methods of ravishing the
unconditionally surrendered women of Germany is the American capitalistic, free
economy touch. THE CHRISTIAN CENTURY, for Decernber 5, 1945, reports:
"The American provost marshal, Lieutenant Colonel Gerald F. Beane, said that
rape represents no problem to the military police because 'a bit of food, a bar of
chocolate, or a bar of soap seems to make rape unnecessary.' Think that over if
you want to understand what the situation is in Germany."
Dr. George N. Schuster, President of Hunter College, charged, after a visit to the
American zone:
"You have said it all when you say that Europe is now a place where woman has
lost her perennial fight for decency because the indecent alone live."
"Except for those who can establish contacts with members of the armed forces,
Germans can get nothing from soap to shoes."[15]
L.F. Filewood, writing in the WEEKLY REVIEW, London, Oct. 5, 1945, stated:
"Young girls, unattached, wander about and freely offer themselves, for food or
bed . . . Very simply they have one thing left to sell, and they sell it . . . As a way of
dying it may be worse than starvation, but it will put off dying for months - or
even years."[16]
Significantly, the Potsdam Declaration declares:
"The Allied armies are in occupation of the whole of Germany and the German
people have begun to atone for the terrible crimes committed under the
leadership of those whom in the hour of their success, they openly approved and
blindly obeyed."
It fails to declare that the crimes to be committed by the Allied armies of
occupation would eclipse those of which the Nazi armies have been accused. Now
that the war is over and the heat of combat has died down enough to enable us to
view the cold facts again, it must be brought home to the Arnerican people that
much of what they have been led to believe was born of propaganda, that the
German army, for example, actually behaved itself very correctly toward the
people of occupied territories whose governments were signatories of the Hague
and Geneva Conventions. The facts are now well known, and are beyond dispute,
despite the opposite picture previously painted in the press as part of the
horrendous business of war.
William L. Shirer, in his Berlin Diary (p. 412), on June 17, 1940, in the first flush
of German occupation, described how many French women had fled Paris for
fear of what the German armies might do to them.
"It seems," he wrote, "the Parisians actually believe the Germans would rape the
women and do worse to the men . . . The ones who stayed are all the more
amazed at the very correct behavior of the troops - so far."
And their behavior never changed.
Frederick C. Crawford, President of Thompson Products, after a tour of
inspection in which he, with others of the War Department, visited areas where
the Germans had been in occupation for four years, in his "REPORT FROM THE
WAR FRONT", said:
"The Germans tried to be careful in their dealings with the people . . . We were
told that if a citizen attended strictly to business and took no political or
underground action against the occupying army, he was treated with
correctness."[17]

Reference Notes:
[1] From "In den Haenden unserer russischen Allierten," Der Wanderer, April 11, 1946.
[2] Time, Jan. 29, 1945.
[3] Nord-Amerika, Dec. 6, 1945, as summarized by Dr. A.J. App, Slave-Laboring German
Prisoners of War.
[4] B.J. Kospoth, London, August 4, 1945, Washington Times Herald, and Congressional Record,
Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11554.
[5] Walter Trohan, Washington, Feb. 6, 1945, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[6] David Darrah, Stuttgart, Germany, July 24, 1945, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[7] Associated Press, Nuremberg, Germany, Feb. 24, 1946.
[8] Associated and United Press, Frankfurt, Germany, April 24, 1946.
[9] Edward P. Morgan, Nuremberg, Germany, April 3, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[10] Hal Foust, Berlin, Aug. 17, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[11] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 22, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[12] Lee Hills, Frankfurt, Germany, Aug. 8, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[13] Same as No. 11.
[14] Same as No. 10.
[15] Dr. A.J. App, Ravishing the Women of Conquered Europe.
[16] Catholic Digest, December, 1945.
[17] Requoted from Dr. A.J. App, Ravishing the Women of Conquered Europe

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Location: Republic Of India
6 THE PEOPLE HUNGER
In view of all that has happened in Germany, it is small wonder that the people
have been overtaken by extreme shortages of basic necessities, especially food.
Months after the war had ended and the conquerors had assumed complete
control of the German government and therefore responsibility for the German
people and their future, the Bishop of Chichester, quoting a noted German
pastor, said:
"Thousands of bodies are hanging in the trees in the woods around Berlin and
nobody bothers to cut them down. Thousands of corpses are carried into the sea
by the Oder and Elbe Rivers - one doesn't notice it any longer. Thousands and
thousands are starving in the highways. . . Children roam the highways alone,
their parents shot, dead, lost."[1]
A wireless to the New York Times in April, 1946, says:
"Like Russia's half-wild vagabonds after World War I, Germany's youth is on the
road . . . because there was not enough to eat at home. Homeless, without papers
or ration cards . . . these groups rob Germans and displaced persons. They are . . .
wandering aimlessly, disillusioned, dissolute, diseased, and without
guidance."[2]
Despite conditions, the German people are putting up a brave struggle for
existence. After a five-week tour of Europe, including Germany, Malcolm Muir,
publisher of BUSINESS WEEK, told the Union League Club of Chicago:
"The Germans are making every effort to help themselves . . . It is not unusual to
see a milk cow hitched to a plow, a woman leading the cow and a small boy
guiding the plow."[3]
What harvesting machinery remains is mostly small, old fashioned and run
down, often useless for want of parts. Draught work is supplied by animals and
men. Oxen are used where available, and a horse and cow hitched together are
common. It is not unusual to see a wagon of straw moving along a road with one
or two old men at the tongue and a flock of women and children pushing. One
observer writes:
"The plight of the Germans is epitomized by scenes in the stubble fields, which
are thoroughly gleaned by the owners. Villagers, old men, women and children,
may be seen picking up one grain at a time from the ground to be carried home in
a sack the size of a housewife's shopping bag."[4]
Crop yields have been reduced by the five year fertilizer famine, which continues
and the fact, as mentioned before, that the soil for the most part has been worked
for 1,000 to 2,000 years.
Food reserves which were ample when the war ended were soon depleted, thanks
in part to deliberate destruction by invading armies, and, in the case of the
Russians and French, to armies of occupation living off the land. When we first
invaded Normandy we were surprised by the large stores of food we found. It was
the same elsewhere. Although his statement contrasted sharply with the current
propaganda which had all Europe starving, Prof. Theodore Shultz of the
University of Chicago, in November, 1943, had said that continental Europe that
year had harvested good crops, that "farm production had been so well
maintained despite the war that Europe will meet 90 to 95 per cent of her food
requirements in the year after peace is declared."[5] Although distribution was
disrupted at the end of the war, aggregate food stocks were large. But under
Allied management they were soon dissipated.
The situation, worsened by the loss of the eastern "bread basket" and the large
number of displaced persons and evacuees from the east, became critical and
then catastrophic.
For six months our military govemment refused to supply any food from the
outside to supplement the vanishing German stocks; however, the terrible
consequences of this policy ultimately got under the tough hides of the
occupation authorities to such an extent that by December they appealed to the
U.S. Government to send sufficient food to prevent universal starvation. Relief
was finally promised, and after many heartbreaking delays, a dribble arrived.
The intensity of the famine through which Germany is passing can be guaged by
comparing the German diet with our own and with what experiments prove to be
the minimum to maintain life.
An average slice of bread yields around 200 calories. The average American diet
is 3,000 calories per person per day. To maintain weight and health, a
lumberjack needs as much as 7,600 calories, an active woman at least 3,000.[6]
Herbert Hoover, famed for his work in famine relief, says that 2,200 calories "is a
minimum in a nation for healthy human beings."[7]
Various studies have been made to determine the effects of subnormal diets and
the limits of starvation. The University of Minnesota conducted a test during the
war in which a group of conscentious objectors voluntarily lived for several
months on a daily diet of 1,650 calories. Within six months each man lost a fourth
of his weight and experienced fainting spells, dizziness, and a feeling of always
being cold. Their hearts shrank and some had to have two blankets even in
summer. All lost three-fourths of their energy and work ability. "Each individual
gradually tended to withdraw to himself, to shun social companionship . . . The
main interest in life became the next meal."[8]
Northwestern University Medical School conducted a similar experiment with
similar effects. A diet with protein and vitamin contents 40 per cent and 25 per
cent of normal, respectively, was tried with results which in the words of Dr.
Andrew C. Ivy, "hold out a dismal prospect for the people of food-restricted
countries." He said little change was noted in the patients during the first month
and a half; "after six weeks, however, they showed a slow, progressive
deterioration in physical and mental health, accompanied by loss of endurance,
skin lesions, leg pains, and mental slowness." It was difficult to get the subjects
back to normal: "the time of recovery was in no case less than a month."[9]
In response to a question on the subject of minimum diets, the National Research
Council states:
"The best evidence available to the Board would indicate that adult European
males reduced to an intake on the average of 1,400 to 1,700 calories for a period
of six months will suffer: 1) Reduction of capacity for work (endurance) to the
point where only very light work can be performed effectively, moderate heavy
work, and heavy work not at all. 2) Loss of power of mental concentration
associated with apathy, depression, and a high level of irritability. 3) Increased
susceptibility to infections and contagious diseases . . . The ability of a population
to maintain or increase its own community production of food, not to speak of
other goods, would be diminished. In the second place, there would be less hope
of establishing acceptable community political organization. In the third place, a
population subjected to such a low level of food supply might be expected to
develop epidemics which might spread to other nations and consequently
represent a hazard to the entire world."[10]
These facts prove the excruciating character of the rations imposed upon the
German populace by the conquerors. In the American zone where the level has
been consistently higher than in other zones the base ration since V-E Day has
ranged between a high of 1,550 to a low of 1,180 calories per person per diem.
Here is the record: before November 11, 1945, 1,262 calories; from that date
through the following March, 1,550 calories; from April 1, 1946, through most of
the following May, 1,275 calories; from then on through most of the summer,
1,180 calories. In August, 1946, it was raised to 1,350 calories, and in the fall was
restored to 1,550 calories where it was supposed to remain during the winter of
1946-47.
Herbert Hoover in April, 1946, in commenting on the European situation in
general called the 1,550 calorie level a "grim and dangerous base" and said: "At
this level we believe most of the adults can come through the short period of four
months until the next harvest. The children's health will become suceptible to
disease. Many of the children and aged will fall by the wayside."[11] The
consequences of keeping the base German rations at or below the 1,500 calorie
level since V-E Day are not difficult to imagine. Although some of the German
workers, such as farmers and miners, are allowed somewhat higher rations, the
base ration applies to the great majority, including housewives and children.
Such reports as the following made by an official of the food branch of the
American Military Government should therefore cause no surprise.[12]
"The greatest famine catastrophe of recent centuries is upon us in central Europe.
Our Government is letting down our military government in the food deliveries it
promised, although what Generals Clay, Draper, and Hester asked for and were
promised was the barest minimum for survival of the people. We will be forced to
reduce the rations from 1,550 calories to 1,000 or less calories.
"The few buds of democracy will be burned out in the agony of death of the aged,
the women, and the children.
"The British and we are going on record as the ones who let the Germans starve.
The Russians will release at the height of the famine substantial food stores they
have locked up (300,000 to 400,000 tons of sugar, large quantities of potatoes).
"Aside from the inhumanity involved, it is so criminally stupid to give such a
performance of incredible fumbling before the eyes of the world. It makes all the
many hard-working officers of the Office of Military Government, Food and
Agricultural Branch, ashamed.
Karl Brandt
Berlin, Germany, March 18, 1946."
The following is taken from a report prepared by the German Central
Administration for Health, a German agency created by the Russian occupation
authorities:
"The people hunger. They hold only the immediate present responsible for their
condition. They are without the energy to trace the links of causes. They have
even forgotten Hitler. Beyond the immediate present their power to reproduce
even memory does not reach. There is growing as though by psychological
compulsion, a mass hysteria, with a thousand different symptoms of drug
addiction, drunkenness, perversities, sadism, murder and infantilism. . . The
situation is reaching a generally psychopathological state, through chronic
hunger. We are seeing aberrations such as were previously known only among
stranded and starving sailors in lifeboats, or thirsting persons forgotten by
caravans in desert sands. It is increasingly impossible to discover in the masses of
the people opinions. They have only animal urges.
"The explanation of this mass phenomenon, this mental and spiritual paralysis, is
physical. They are emaciated to the bone. Their clothes hang loose on their
bodies, the lower extremities are like the bones of a skeleton, their hands shake as
though with palsy, the muscles of the arms are withered, the skin lies in folds,
and is without elasticity, the joints spring out as though broken.
"The weight of the women of average height and build has fallen way below 110
pounds. Often women of child-bearing age weigh no more than 65 pounds. The
number of still-born children is approaching the number of those born alive, and
an increasing proportion of these die in a few days. Even if they come into the
world of normal weight, they start immediately to lose weight and die shortly.
Very often the mothers cannot stand the loss of blood in childbirth and perish.
Infant mortality has reached the horrifying height of 90 per cent."[13]
The following dispatch from Wiesbaden, Germany, portrays the lot which has
befallen the children:
"Those fat, round cheeked, chubby-legged German children so well known in
picture and story - remember them?
"They're of another era. You do not see them now.
"I sat with a mother, watching her eight-year-old daughter playing with a doll and
carriage, her only playthings. Then she came to supper - hard brown bread, three
slim slices of pressed sausage, a cup of coffee substitute. Her legs were tiny, the
joints protruding. Her arms had no flesh. Her skin drawn taut across the bones,
the eyes dark, deep-set and tired.
"'She doesn't look well,' I said.
"'Six years of war,' the mother replied, in that quiet toneless manner so common
here now. 'She hasn't had a chance. None of the children have. Her teeth are not
good. She catches illness so easily.
"'She laughs and plays - yes; but soon she is tired. She never has known' - and the
mother's eyes filled with tears - 'what it is not to be hungry.' "'Was it this bad
during the war?' I asked.
"'Not this bad,' she replied, 'but not good at all. And now I am told the bread
ration is to be less. What are we to do; all of us?
"'For six years we suffered. We love our country. My husband was killed - his
second war. My oldest son is a prisoner somewhere in France. My other boy lost a
leg. That's what the Nazis did for us. And now . . .'
"By this time she was weeping. I gave this little girl a Hershey bar and she wept -
pure joy - as she held it. By this time I wasn't feeling too chipper myself. . . But it
gives you an idea."[14]
Dr. Lawrence Meyer, Executive Secretary of the Lutheran Church, Missouri
Synod, after returning from Germany said on January 13, 1946:
"Germany literally swarms with children. Eight children per family is nothing
extraordinary. Millions of these children must die before there is enough food. In
Frankfurt at a children's hospital there have been set aside 25 out of 100 children.
These will be fed and kept alive. It is better to feed 25 enough to keep them alive
and let 75 starve then to feed the 100 for a short while and let them all
starve."[15]
Dorothy Thompson reported:
"In Berlin, in August, 1945, out of 2,866 children born, 1,148 died, and it was
summer, and the food more plentiful than now . . . From Vienna a reliable source
reports that . . . infant mortality is approaching 100 per cent."[16]
Edd Johnson of P.M., on October 3, 1945, wrote from Germany:
"The infant mortality rate is 16 times as high today as in 1943 . . . There is going
to be a definite age group elimination. Most children under 10 and people over 60
cannot survive the coming winter."[17]
A United States Press dispach from Berlin, February 8, 1946, reads:
"Official announcement that two German women bad been murdered and their
flesh sold on a food black market aroused fear today that organized gangs of
human butchers were at work here. Spokesmen for the criminal investigation
department of the German police said only two cases of murder-for-flesh bad
been established but that it was possible that butchers were operating on a much
larger scale, killing their victims and peddling their flesh in local black
markets."[18]
Hal Foust wrote from Berlin, February 20, 1946:
"Germans are dying in masses, not so much from starvation alone as from
illnesses aggravated by acute malnutrition."[19]
A United Press dispatch from Hamburg, Germany, March 22, 1946, reads:
"33 workmen collapsed from hunger today - the first signs of starvation were
apparent in this area - with hostility rising among the Hamburg working classes,
and food riots continued in Hamburg for the fourth straight day."[20]
Dorothy Thompson wrote:
"The children of Europe are starving. Six years of war, indescribable destruction,
and the lunatic policies which have added to the disintegration inherited from the
collapse of the Nazi regime have done their work. Germany, and with it Europe, is
skidding into the abyss.
"The facts are at last being revealed through what has amounted to a conspiracy
of silence here . . . This war was fought by the West in the name of Christian
civilization, the Four Freedoms, and the dignity of man against those who were
perpetrating crimes against humanity. But policies which must inevitably result
in the postwar extermination of tens of thousands of children are also "crimes
against humanity."[21]
General of the Army Dwight D. Eisenhower in November, 1945, solemnly warned
that if our military victory is to have lasting significance, the United States and
other nations must "assist the war devastated countries back on their feet" and
added:
"If this bitter situation is not to become so disastrous as to make me wonder if it
was worthwhile to have taken up arms against the Nazis, we in the United States -
which is truly the land of plenty as compared to Europe - must be prepared to
discharge a heavy responsibility."[22]
After giving Herbert Hoover, serving as Chairman of President Truman's Famine
Investigating Commission, a grim report of Germany's food situation on April 13,
1946, Generals Joseph T. McNarney and Lucius Clay said in a formal statement:
"Political stabilty cannot develop under conditions which create political apathy.
Political apathy can be overcome in a population which must devote its full effort
to the daily search for food. Political stability in Germany is closely related to
political stability in the rest of Europe.
"German transport facilities are required to move relief supplies and exports
across Europe. German workmen must be used to man available transport
facilities.
"German coal is vital to Europe. German potash, salt, lumber, spare parts, and
other products are needed throughout Europe. Coal production in the Ruhr has
declined substantially since the recent food cut. Without food Germany cannot
produce coal. Without coal Germany cannot produce fertilizer and unless it
produces fertilizer it cannot improve its food supply."[23]
The statement went on to point out that the American zone even in normal times
had been a deficit area with regard to food, requiring 2,000,000 tons of imports
in 1943-44. It said that the German economic pump must be primed with food
imports, because the American zone and other western areas cannot produce
enough to sustain life even at starvation levels.
Ten months after V-E Day, only 600,000 tons of food had been imported into our
zone by AMG, or about one ounce per person per meal. Yet AMG officers asked
GI's to remind the Germans they owe America a debt of gratitude for feeding
them.[24]

Evidence that the German Famine is Deliberate
Senator Homer E. Capehart of Indiana in an address before the United States
Senate February 5, 1946, said in part:
"The fact can no longer be suppressed, namely, the fact that it has been and
continues to be, the deliberate policy of a confidential and conspirational clique
within the policy-making circes of this government to draw and quarter a nation
now reduced to abject misery .
"In this process this clique, like a pack of hyenas struggling over the bloody
entrails of a corpse, and inspired by a sadistic and fanatical hatred, are
determined to destroy the German nation and the German people, no matter
what the consequences.
"At Potsdam the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom, and
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics solemnly signed the following declaration
of principles and purposes:
"'It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave the German people.'
"Mr. President, the cynical and savage repudiation of these solemn declarations
which has resulted in a major catastrophe, cannot be explained in terms of
ignorance or incompetence. This repudiation, not only of the Potsdam
Declaration, but also of every law of God and men, has been deliberately
engineered with such a malevolent cunning, and with such diabolical skill, that
the American people themselves have been caught in an international death trap.
"For nine months now this administration has been carrying on a deliberate
policy of mass starvation without any distinction between the innocent and the
helpless and the guilty alike.
"The first issue has been and continues to be purely humanitarian. This vicious
clique within this administration that has been responsible for the policies and
practices which have made a madhouse of central Europe has not only betrayed
our American principles, but they have betrayed the GI's who have suffered and
died, and they continue to betray the American GI's who have to continue their
dirty work for them.
"The second issue that is involved is the effect this tragedy in Germany has
already had on the other European countries. Those who have been responsible
for this deliberate destruction of the German state and this criminal mass
starvation of the German people have been so zealous in their hatred that all
other interests and concerns have been subordinated to this one obsession of
revenge. In order to accomplish this it mattered not if the liberated countries in
Europe suffered and starved. To this point this clique of conspirators have
addressed themselves: 'Germany is to be destroyed. What happens to other
countries of Europe in the process is of secondary importance.'"
These remarks were interspersed with a mass of supporting evidence.
There can be no question that there has been a deliberate attempt to keep the
facts from the American public. Senator Eastland of Mississippi, for example, in a
stirring address to the United States Senate December 3, 1945, exposing the
chaotic conditions in Germany, told of the great difficulty he had encountered in
gaining access to the official report on conditions in the Reich made by Calvin
Hoover. He said the State Department at first refused to furnish him a copy of the
report, but that through the intercession of a high official in the department he
had been able to obtain it, but only "with the understanding and the promise
received from me first that the information therein would be made available to
the people of this country." Senator Eastland continued:
"There appears to be a conspiracy of silence to conceal from our people the true
picture of conditions in Europe, to secrete from us the fact regarding conditions
of the continent and information as to our policies toward the German people . . .
Are the real facts withheld because our policies are so cruel that the American
people would not endorse them?
"What have we to hide, Mr. President? Why should these facts be withheld from
the people of the United States? There cannot possibly be any valid reason for
secrecy. Are we following a policy of vindictive hatred, a policy which would not
be endorsed by the American people as a whole if they knew true conditions?
"Mr. President, I should be less than honest if I did not state frankly that the
picture is so much worse, so much more confused, than the American people
suspect, that I do not know of any source that is capable of producing the
complete factual account of the true situation into which our policies have taken
the Ameriean people. The truth is that the nations of central, southern, and
eastern Europe are adrift on a flood of anarchy and chaos."[25]
Victor Gollancz, influential left-wing British publisher and pamphleteer, in his
book "Leaving Them to Their Fate - the Ethics of Starvation," after marshalling
voluminous proof explains the starvation in these words:
"The plain fact is when Spring is in the English air we are starving the German
people, and we are starving them not deliberately in the sense we prefer their
death to our own inconvenience.
"Others, including ourselves, are to keep or be given comforts while the Germans
lack the bare necessities of existence. If it is a choice between discomfort for
another and suffering for the German, the German must suffer; if between
suffering for another and death for the German, the German must die."
He describes the ample British diet and stocks of food while the Germans starve
and says:
"Stocks of food and feeding stuffs in this country owned and controlled by the
minister of food, exclusive of stocks on farms or held by secondary wholesalers
and manufacturers, were estimated to total on the last day of March no less than
4,000,000 tons."
He rejects the thesis that we should starve the Germans because they would have
starved us had they won, on the ground that those who reason as the Nazis are no
better than the Nazis. He could have added that starvation of children of an
enemy country is to admit having enemy children. One leading daily thinks Mr.
Gollancz fails to plumb the depths of the infamy:
"On the contrary it [the starvation] is the product of foresight. It was deliberately
planned at Yalta by Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill, and the program in all its
brutality was later confirmed by Truman, Attlee, and Stalin . . . The intent to
starve the German people to death is being carried out with a remorselessness
unknown in the western world since the Mongol conquest."[26]
Ample food stocks nearer to Germany even than those in England existed while
the Germans starved. On the same page of a newspaper in the autumn of 1945
two articles appeared under the following headlines:
(1) "WEST GERMANS FACE HARD FIGHT AGAINST FAMINE"
(2) "COME AND GET IT, DENMARK TELLS HUNGRY EUROPE"

The article under the latter reads:
"The exhausted Danish farming industry succeeded in increasing pigs to nearly
two million, 60 per cent of the prewar stock, and last week 45,000 live cattle were
offered to slaughtering, of which 32,000 had to be refused as the warehouses are
filled to capacity and no shipping was available.
"Denmark has, in vain, drawn the attention of Britain, the United States, and
UNRRA to the facts, at the same time forwarding proposals, but no reply has
been received so far.
"The huge cold storage facilities in north Germany are not being utilized, and
refrigerator ships are lying idle in north German harbors. At the same time
slaughtering houses are forced to return live cattle to farmers, the cattle now
consuming fodder that otherwise would be available to further increase
production, as a result of the failure of distribution machinery.
"Denmark would welcome it if public opinion would induce the united shipping
pool, UNRRA and other concerned agencies to overcome difficulties and supply
shipping essential to emptying 'Europe's bursting larder.'"[27]
An Associated Press dispatch from Copenhagen a month earlier had told the
same story:
"While the rest of Europe hungers for meat, Denmark has 3,000 to 4,000 tons of
surplus beef weekly which cannot be exported for lack of shipping space.
Hoegsbro Holm, permanent secretary of the agricultural council of Denmark,
said today that for the last six weeks farmers have had as many as 16,000 head of
cattle ready for slaughter, but Denmark has been able to use and export only
10,000. Holm said, 'We have been trying to get transport for at least two months
but to date nothing is ready to take the meat.'"[28]
Another report, by Robert Conway of the New York News, written March 22,
1946, from Rome, under the headline: "FINDS EUROPEAN 'SHORTAGES' ARE
EXAGGERATION reads:
"Coincident with the arrival of former President Hoover on his food mission, it is
timely and vital that the American public should receive the simple facts
regarding the grossly exaggerated talk of shortages in Europe.
"England is not starving, although food is short. France is better off than
England, and Italy is better off than France. The rich and the racketeers are
eating sumptuously in London, Paris, and Rome, and the poor in Italy have
rations equivalent to the diet enjoyed in 1937 at the peak of Mussolini's
prosperity era.
"England is the only one of the three countries which is making an honest,
serious effort to ration food and clothing and control prices. France is doing
better than Italy, but the black market in Paris is flourishing in all lines of goods.
Italy is exploiting everything in a fantastic black market based on the contempt of
the majority of the nation for the ignorance of Allied - chiefly American - officers
of language, customs, and the traditional system of bartering and begging.
"In addition, some officers are flagrantly cooperating in the various rackets."
"I found it possible to eat well and cheaply in London, Canterbury, and other
English towns. I found a similar situation in Paris and its environs. Then I came
to Italy which is a veritable land of plenty, although in all three countries black
market restaurants supplied steaks, eggs, fruits and other delicacies at prices
equivalent to those of restaurants in New York.
"The task of ferreting out the truth of the food and economic situation is a
difficult one, and unless a better and more experienced personnel is supplied for
the purpose than is evident in the permanent allied administration here, a
distorted and inadequate picture will be given to Mr. Hoover."[29]
That the general European famine advertised by Washington is for the most part
German, as reported by Senator Butler of Nebraska after a trip through 33
countries, is indicated by the fact that UNRRA has been used "to finance
governments and not to feed the hungry." UNRRA has in effect supported these
governments, mostly satellites of the Soviet Union, by supplying them with
billions of dollars worth of goods which they, in turn, have sold to those with the
money to buy, thus bringing to themselves handsome revenues in lieu of
taxes.[30] In Germany, where there is widespread hunger and poverty, UNRRA is
specifically forbidden to function for the benefit of any but "displaced persons,"
and then only by making requisitions against the starving Germans.[31] In
August, 1946, Cyril Osborn, M.P., denounced the so-called relief agency of the
United Nations as "the biggest racket in Europe."
For another thing, no Central Red Cross has been permitted to function in the
stricken Reich. And it is now a matter of history that the Washington
administration for nearly a year hotly resisted all efforts to bring private relief to
the Germans, and only permitted a miserable dribble when it finally did allow it,
at the urgent request of AMG officials. It placed the limit at 2,000 tons a month,
limiting packages to 11 pounds and 72 inches in girth, with shipping charges of 14
cents a pound.
Senator Albert W. Hawkes, of New Jersey had made a strong appeal to the
President urging that private relief packages be permitted to prevent mass
starvation of the German people. In his reply, dated December 21, 1945,
President Truman professed that "there is as yet no possibility of making
deliveries of individual packages in Germany," because "the postal system and
the communications and transportation systems of Germany are in the state of
total collapse." He then said:
"Our efforts have been directed particularly toward taking care of those who
fought with us rather than against us - Norwegians, Belgians, the Dutch, the
Greeks, the Poles, the French. Eventually the enemy countries will be given some
attention.
"While we have no desire to be unduly cruel to Germany, I cannot feel any great
sympathy for those who caused the death of so many human beings by starvation,
disease, and outright murder, in addition to all the destruction and death of war.
Perhaps eventually a decent government can be established in Germany so that
Germany can again take its place in the family of nations. I think that in the
meantime no one should be called upon to pay for Germany's misfortune except
Germany itself.
"Until the misfortunes of those whom Germany oppressed and tortured are
oblivated [sic], it does not seem right to divert our efforts to Germany itself. I
admit that there are, off course, many innocent people in Germany who had
little to do with the Nazi terror. However, the administrative burden of trying to
locate these people and treat them differently for the rest is one which is almost
insuperable." (emphasis added)[32]
This letter makes perfectly clear that we are deliberately discriminating against
"the Germans," that Mr. Truman expeeted to be at least a little cruel in his
treatment of them, and that he had not the slightest consciousness of the German
children, as such, and the agonies they must suffer, although they surely "had
little to do with Nazi terror" and certainly could be as easily located as Nazis and
war criminals. It is difficult, indeed, to see how those responsible for our policy
can escape condemnation under the following principles laid down by General
Eisenhower:
"While I and my subordinates believe that stern justice should be meted out to
war criminals by proper legal procedure, we would never condone inhuman or
un-American practices upon the helpless, which is one of the crimes for which
those war criminals must now stand trial."[33]
Michael Foote, M.P., in discussing this question reminded the House of
Commons that there is an older law than any promulgated at Potsdam for the
protection of victims or our policy:
"But who shall offend one of these little ones which believe in me, it were better
for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck and that he were drowned in
the depth of the sea."[34]
It later came out that Russian objection in the Control Council was at least partly
responsible for our inability to send private relief packages to Germany. Four
Senators, after being rebuffed at the White House in their request that the mails
be opened to permit relief packages to Germany, learned that permission to do so
must meet with unanimous consent of all four occupying powers and that the
Soviet Union had opposed the idea. The four gave out this information in a
statement which said in part:
"The American people should know once and for all that as a result of this
government's official policy they are being made the unwilling accomplices in the
crime of mass starvation. How long must we expect Mr. Stalin to deny the
American people the opportunity to express their native humanitarianism and
desires?"[35]
Russia's inhuman truculence was referred to indirectly by General McNarney in a
letter to Senator Wiley (February 14, 1946). He explained:
"United States citizens have not been permitted to send individual gift supplies to
German nationals, as the establishment of international postal service, while
under study, is yet to be effected.
"Once such agreement has been reached, the distribution of packages within the
United States zone can be reasonably well met by the parcel post service which
has now been reinstalled within Germany." (emphasis added)[36]
In other words, the difficulty was a question of agreement, rather than lack of
facilities.
In close harmony with Russia's inhuman attitude, which had an ulterior purpose
as part of a larger program, as we shall see, the "liberal" press has for the most
part greeted with silence or derision all efforts to publicize the facts concerning
German prostration and to bring relief to the suffering German masses. Eleanor
Roosevelt, Senator Connelly, and the late Sidney Hillman, backed by personages
in AMG, upon visiting Germany professed to see no evidence of starvation or
suffering beyond what they considered tolerable. The New Republic expressed its
horror over the possibility that Senator Wherry, who had agitated for a Senate
investigation of conditions in Europe, including Germany, might become more
influential. In the New Republic's own words, this was his crime: "His present
efforts are devoted to getting more food for Germany and Austria."
In commenting on the New Republic attitude and PM's professed liberalism,
William Henry Chamberlain, in his excellent article "The Crisis of Liberalism,"
which was entered in the Congressional Record, says:
"So it becomes a crime, in the eyes of a liberal magazine, to try to ward off what is
at best acute malnutrition, at worse starvation. As to PM, with its loudly
professed code of humanitarian ethics, it gives a daily exhibition, in its attitude
toward relief for central Europe, of nazism in reverse, of a positively sadistic
desire to inflict maximum suffering on all Germans, irrespective of their
responsibility for Nazi crimes."[37]
"Liberals" have, however, indulged in some relief activities. Here is one case, as
reported by correspondent Philip Warden:
"Washington, D.C., June 6 (1946) - The emergency food collection committee
headed by Henry A. Wallace, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, and Herbert Lehman, has
collected $323,000 in cash and is incurring an estimated $300,000 in
administrative expenses, Chairman Wallace reported to the Senate Small
Business' Committee today.
"Wallace listed among the 'estimated cash requirements' for the two month
campaign which is expected to wind up by July 1, $75,000 in salaries, $45,000 in
travel and subsistence claims, $115,000 for publicity, materials, and stationery,
$28,000 for communications, and $20,000 in state and metropolitan
organizational expenses."[38]

Reference Notes:
[1] Congressional Record, Dec. 20, 1945, p. A-6130.
[2] Wireless to New York Times and Chicago Tribune, Frankfurt, Germany, April 13, 1946.
[3] The Chicago Sun, June 7, 1946, p. 29.
[4] Hal Foust, Berlin, Aug, 6, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[5] George Theim, Chicago Daily News Farm Editor, Chicago Daily News, Nov. 4, 1943.
[6] Chicago Daily Tribune, Oct. 10, 1945.
[7] Same as No. 6.
[8] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Washington, April 26, 1946.
[9] Chicago Daily News, April 12, 1946.
[10] Congressional Record, Jan. 29, 1946, p. 533.
[11] Associated Press, Washington, D.C., April 19, 1946.
[12] Congressional Record, March 29, 1946, pp. 2858-9.
[13] Congressional Record, March 29, 1946, p. 2865.
[14] Jack Bell, Wiesbaden, Germany, May 10, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[15] American Economist, Feb. 1946, p. 6.
[16] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11562.
[17] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11553.
[18] United Press, Berlin, Feb. 8, 1946, The Chicago Daily News.
[19] Hal Foust, Berlin, Feb. 20, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[20] United Press, Hamburg, Germany, March 22, 1946.
[21] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 1156l.
[22] Reported by Griffing Barcroft, Washington, Nov. 22, 1945, Chicago Sun Washington Bureau.
[23] John Thompson, Berlin, April 13, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[24] Associated Press, Berlin, June 22, 1946.
[25] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11552.
[26] Chicago Daily Tribune, May 8, 1946.
[27] Einar Christiansen, Chicago Tribune Press Service, Copenhagen, Denmark, Oct. 19, 1945,
Chicago Daily Tribune, Oct. 20, 1945.
[28] Associated Press, Copenhagen, Denmark, Sept. 16, 1946.
[29] Robert Conway, Rome, March 22, 1946, wireless to New York News.
[30] Chicago Tribune Press Service, Washington D.C., Aug. 5, 1946.
[31] Edd Johnson, Frankfurt, Germany, The Chicago Sun for Nov. 19, 1945.
[32] Congressional Record, Jan. 29, 1946, pp. 530-l.
[33] Congressional Record, Jan. 29, 1946, p. 537.
[34] Congressional Record, Dec. 4, 1945, p. 11557.
[35] Chicago Daily Tribune, Washington, D.C., Jan. 8, 1946.
[36] William Moore, Washington, D.C., Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[37] Congressional Record, May 20, 1946, p. 2953.
[38] Philip Warden, Washington, D.C., June 6, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service

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7 ECONOMIC TRIBULATION
It is inconsistent to show solicitude for the welfare of Germany or the German
people and at the same time to support the Potsdam agreements, because, as we
have seen, the latter were intended not to help Germany recover but rather to
prevent her from doing so. Potsdam was based on the Morgenthau Plan and the
Morgenthau Plan had stipulated:
"The sole purpose of the military in control of the German economy shall be to
facilitate military operations and military occupation. The Allied Military
Government shall not assume responsibility for such economic problems as price
controls, rationing, unemployment, production, reconstruction, distribution,
consumption, housing, or transportation, or take any measures designed to
maintain or strengthen the German economy, except those which are essential
to military operations. The responsibility for sustaining the German economy and
people rests with the German people with such facilities as may be available
under the circumstances. "(emphasis added)
"Under the circumstances" must be underscored as meaning an absence of
essential facilities. The territorial losses and seizures; the program of overcrowding
through expulsions of millions of eastern Germans; the wholesale
enslavement of German manpower; the liquidation of German science and
managerial, technical, and professional classes through de-nazification; the
settling of the low level of industry decided upon, coupled with the industrial
sacking and elimination of all German external resources - all these measures on
top of the war devastation cannot be described as anything but a program to
throw Germany and her people into a state of collapse.
But these are not the only acts of repression. Taxes have been raised to
confiscatory levels which stifle incentives and prevent operation of the free
enterprise system. They have helped to socialize German economy and kill the
profit motive. They have corrupted public morals for even the poor must contrive
to dodge them in order to have enough income to buy shoes.[1] We have refused
to establish an exchange value for the German mark in terms of other currencies,
preventing privately handled imports and exports and throwing what little
external trade there is into the hands of the military government. And instead of
trying to work out some intelligent plan for the resuscitation of the collapsed
financial system we have proceeded to make matters far worse by such actions as
the printing of vast sums of occupation currency which will almost certainly help
create the 1923 inflation disaster and complete the destruction of the German
middle class.[2] Such a result would serve the ends of Soviet Russia, but hardly
those of the other powers.
Economic Prostration
It is difficult to imagine the depth of German depression. When the United States
reached the bottom of 1932, industrial production had fallen to 60 per cent of
normal. The depression was so severe - the losses so enormous, the
unemployment so widespread - that it almost brought a revolution.
Industrial production in Germany a year after V-E Day was 10 per cent of what
used to be normal.
Production in our zone has gradually risen until it reached a high of about 12 per
cent of the old normal, or about 20 per cent of the new permitted levels. With the
cut in rations, however, the index began a steady decline.[3] On May 4, Brig. Gen.
William H. Draper, AMG director of economics, reported that output in our zone
was "far below that necessary to maintain the minimum standard of living." The
report went on to give production figures for individual industries as percentages
of capacity. Here are a few samples: chemicals 25 per cent; electric power 20 per
cent; building materials 20 per cent; steel products 13 per cent; ceramics 5 per
cent; farm machinery 22 per cent; electrical equipment 15 per cent; automotive
and industrial machinery 10 per cent.[4] The following summer it was reported
that less than 30 per cent of available industry in our zone was in operation.[5]
Deputy Military Governor Clay at the end of August declared that it will take at
least four more years for Germany to recover sufficiently to bring production up
to the bare subsistence levels set under the deindustrialization program.[6]
War destruction plus the Allied program of repression have created thorough
disorganization. Of the plants not bombed out completely, many were obsolete,
others located in areas where residential destruction was so complete that there
was no room for workers, or where available transportation and communications
could serve only a fraction of production.[7] Freight carrying has been slow and
unreliable, able to meet only 70 per cent of the low demand. Passenger service is
covering only 30 per cent of German requirements. Cars are jammed and
passengers even hang on the sides and tops. Railroad shortages lie in rolling
stock, ships, manpower, coal, and result in part from bottlenecks and the
inevitable inefficiency of military control.[8]
Low coal production has been a key problem resulting in part from lack of civilian
goods available to miners and their families. The AMG official in charge said in
July, 1946, that the miners must be fed better and treated better in other ways to
get improved output. "We are going to have to provide decent housing and we are
going to have to make consumer goods available, as an incentive for the miners to
dig. At present they cannot even buy needle and thread with which to patch their
pants . . . There is no slowdown conspiracy nor underground political sabotage by
the workers, it is just that they have not enough incentive to work."[9]
A high ranking British officer a few days earlier had admitted that anti-British
sentiment is growing in the Ruhr. He said: "The Germans are just beginning to
appreciate the economic hardships imposed upon them by allied policy. It is
natural there should be a stiffening of the German attitude toward this policy,
and that the British should receive the brunt of this stiffening since the
reparation program takes more from the British zone than from other parts of
Germany." He pointed out that the miners lack incentive due to the absence of
food and other necessities and added: "In a vicious economic cycle we do not
have consumer goods because manufacturing plants lack the coal to make them.
Therefore we must have more coal for production."[10]
Bottlenecks and shortages permeate the whole German economy as the inevitable
consequence of war destruction and the production prohibitions enforced under
the level of industry plan. In July, 1946, for example, it was reported that the
metal shortage had halted the production of plows, while the supply of
horseshoes and nails was about exhausted. The number of motor trucks in Berlin,
with its 3,000,000 inhabitants and area five times that of Chicago, was down to
8,000. Solder was not available even for mending pots and pans. Shoe cobblers
were using old portfolios, dice boxes, helmet liners, any piece of salvage leather
they could find to repair shoes. Although 50,000 school children were out of
shoes, the supply of shoe nails was about exhausted. Because of lack of
permanganate of potash, caused by dismantlement of I.G. Farben plants, the
manufacture of saccharine, vitally needed on account of the sugar famine as well
as by diabetics, was threatened. Manufacture of adhesive tape, muslin, bandages,
and surgical dressings was halted in Thuringia because cotton mills appropriated
by the Russians would not furnish raw materials. Cement production, sorely
needed for reconstruction, was low because of dismantlements and shortage of
machinery and tools.[11] Reports reveal that such industries as rug, fabric,
cutlery, toy, and musical instrument factories, fortunate to have survived the war,
lack fuel and raw materials.[12]
Current German production has been far less than enough to supply current
minimum needs of the populace. For the first year, it was possible to draw on
reserve supplies left over from pre-surrender days and spared in the looting and
destruction even of vast leftover food stores by the armies of the victors.[13] But
these reserves were gradually exhausted, leaving a dark prospect for the future.
Clothes wore out and could not be replaced, due to the virtual nonexistence of
textiles for civilian use. In consequence, as one report put it:
"The best dressed frauleins in Berlin this spring will wear a combination of
window curtains and old bedclothes."[14]
Desperation for money to buy food on the black markets to supplement the
starvation rations, has led the Germans to sell their assets, disposing first of what
they need the least. Their rings have gone, then watches, bracelets, that other pair
of shoes, dresses, jackets, suits. As one Berlin reporter put it:
"Last winter there was no coal, and Berliners burned every tree in town and for
several miles around. Cold is the most miserable of all living conditions, and as
people get closer and closer to the primitive, it's natural that they look to the
future. At first I was amazed to see girls walking down Berlin streets in summer
clad in long coats of fox, or squirrel, or sheep. Then I realized. Remembering last
winter; looking toward another winter without fuel - they've sold the clothing
least needed. And I'm not kidding when I say a lot of these frauleins are down to
their last fur coat."[15]
Associated Press bulletin from Hereford, Germany, dated September 9, 1946
reads:
"The British officially informed Germans in their zone today they could expect no
coal for heating this winter."[16]
A little later an arrangement was made for miners to work Sundays, so that the
average family of four in the merged American and British zone could have fuel
this winter equivalent in heating value of a little over half a ton of hard coal for a
six months period.[17] A month later the unions voted not to work on Sundays.
In the face of this grim prospect, the best that could be hoped for in the way of
food by the population living on the very edge of starvation, suffering from
famine edema, swelling of joints, and all the other terrors of gradual starvation,
as stated before, was an increase in rations to the "grim and dangerous" 1,500
calorie level throughout the 1946-47 winter. In June, 1946, Col. H.B. Hester, in
charge of the American military government food branch, predicted a disastrous
famine in Germany the next winter unless the ration level was raised by
October.[18] His report followed another by Col. W.L. Wilson, chief of public
health and welfare, that the condition of the conquered people was sinking
rapidly under the present ration.[19]
In the French zone 5,000 have died weekly of starvation.[20] In mid-summer of
1946, in Berlin, 19,000 very serious tuberculosis cases for whom no beds were
available were reported officially by American authorities. The Senate of
Hamburg issued an appeal to England and the entire world to send food and
medicines to "avert terrible epidemics and mass deaths." Hamburg motormen
and conductors were imperiling safety of public transport by "fainting from
hunger" and dropping at their posts from long undernourishment and weakness
while on duty. The Medical Council of Cologne informed the British military
authorities that the population there "is facing catastrophe" unless food was
quickly provided, adding that "resistance to infectious diseases, especially
tuberculosis, is vanishing." Authorities in the Rhineland sent an appeal from
Düsseldorf to the British military government to "close the murderous food gap,"
in order to check rapidly spreading disease and epidemics caused by hunger." A
medical authority said:
"Many thousands of men, women, and children, who, with what reserves in
strength and vitality they still possessed, managed to live through the rigors, cold
and hunger of last winter, will not survive this winter, after another year's
depletion in their power of resistance to diseases fostered by starvation and semistarvation.
Death's harvest indeed may be appalling."[21]
With this frightful prospect it will behoove relief organizations to operate at
maximum capacity if millions of lives are to be saved.
Economic Dismemberment
Big Four officials have laid all the blame for Germany's distress on the war and
zonal separation. In their view Potsdam would afford the best possible solution to
all difficulties if only zonal division could be corrected.
German territory west of the Oder-Neisse line was divided into four zones to be
occupied and administered by the military forces of Russia, Great Britain, the
United States, and France.
Russia's zone, comprising the eastern half of Prussia west of the Oder-Neisse
river line is the best balanced of the four zones. In addition to containing some 45
per cent of Germany's manufacturing during the war, it produced more than
enough food for its own consumption and mines brown coal and other minerals.
Other sections of the Reich had been heavily dependent upon it for many key raw
materials and manufactures. Stripped as it has been, it nevertheless supplies
Russia with a sizable flow of goods taken as reparation.
Britain's zone comprises the western half of Prussia. Within it is the Ruhr District
which contains the continent's most valuable natural resources, especially large
deposits of high grade coal close to Europe's best iron ores, and lies in the midst
of Europe's densest concentration of population in a region served by excellent
rail and water transportation. Molotov rightly called it "Europe's workshop."
Despite intensive cultivation the zone suffers a heavy food deficit, and even coal
production has been at a low ebb since V-E Day. Administration costs are 320
million dollars a year above revenues.
The American zone lies in the central and southern sections of the Reich. Most of
it is mountainous and largely scenic. It is not and cannot become self-sufficient in
food production and is highly dependent upon various imports. It perfectly
illustrates the essential interdependence of all sections of German economy. All
of its hard coal requirements must be imported from the Ruhr or Saar regions,
and 83 per cent of the steel required by its many manufacturing establishments
must come from the outside. Lack of coal has forced partial or total closing of
many industries; for example, the pharmaceutical industry, which needs coal tar;
the tire business, which needs buna made from coal; and various fabricating,
processing and finishing establishments. Because of the steel shortage, the largest
tin can manufacturer in Bavaria closed so that some 10 million tins badly needed
to put up the 1946 crop of peas, beans, and fruit, were not made. Large numbers
are unemployed and administration is costing the American taxpayers 200
million dollars a year.
France's zone consists mostly of provincial fragments of former Germany
bordering on France and contains no complete political or economic entities. Its
chief asset is the Saar Basin, rich in coal and steel. Although intensively
cultivated, the zone is not self-sufficient in food, because of heavy specialization
in vineyards and orchards. It must import its potatoes from Bavaria, for example,
and other zones rely upon its food specialties.
One of the outstanding facts about Germany is the dependence of each section,
and now each zone, upon all the others - for food, steel, coal, timber, and other
essentials. The peace settlements did not anticipate economic separation of
Germany's highly interdependent regions. Since the zones were set up strictly for
administrative purposes and were not supposed to exert any divisive influence
upon Germany economy, zonal boundary lines were laid out promiscuously
across political and economic subdivisions. The belief that the zones would
remain one thing and German economy another is clearly shown in the early
statements and declarations of policy.
Potsdam directs that "during the period of occupation Germany shall be treated
as an economic unit," and an earlier Big Four statement on control machinery for
Germany decrees that:
"The Control Council, whose decisions shall be unanimous, will ensure
appropriate uniformity of action by the Commanders in Chief in their respective
zones of occupation and will reach agreed decisions on the chief questions
affecting Germany as a whole."
This demand for results made impossible by the conditions laid down
simultaneously has been about as effective as commanding the sun to stand still.
Insisted upon by Russia the requirement that Control Council decisions "shall be
unanimous" has in practice barred "agreed decisions on the chief questions
affecting Germany as a whole," and has brought anything but uniformity of zonal
action. It has killed Control Council effectiveness just as the veto power also
insisted upon by Russia has destroyed the effectiveness of the Security Council of
the United Nations Organization.
France has been particularly obstructive in Control Council voting. Although
British and American delegations insisted upon inclusion of France in the Four
Power control and occupation of the Reich, France has never signed the Potsdam
agreements. In consequence she is not bound by the agreements, yet is able to
veto their execution.[22] She has frankly admitted her opposition to German
unification and, for her own presumed self-protection and territorial
aggrandizement, has demanded that Germany be Balkanized and destroyed as a
power factor of Europe. To achieve this end she had obdurately insisted, as
mentioned before, that the whole of western Germany be broken off and either
internationalized or added to France. Upon taking her place among the Big Four,
she served notice that until these demands were met, she would veto all Control
Council decisions aiming to treat the Reich as an economic unit and thereafter
lived up to her promise - even to such a fine point as rejecting a national postage
stamp.
France has been by no means alone in blocking unified economic administration.
Russia has been almost as obstructive and would probably have been more so had
France not been so obliging. Even Britain and the United States have not
hesitated to balk whenever it appeared selfishly advantageous for them to do so.
In the absence of "agreed decisions" calling for uniform action in all zones, the
Reich has become divided into four economically deficient and unbalanced "air
tight" compartments, each administered exclusively by its occupying power as
though it were a colony or protectorate. More difficult to surmount than those of
independent states, zonal boundaries form such barriers to interzonal intercourse
that what little trade occurs must be barter deals arranged by special treaty. [23]
Although such economic dismemberment would alone guarantee economic
disorganitation, it cannot rightly be made to serve as a scape-goat for all the sins
of Potsdam, nor for the British and American zonal deficits. Even in the absence
of zonal separation the other harsh and repressive measures ordered at Potsdam
would assure German economic paralysis.
Disregarding this manifest fact, many officials find it convenient to lay all the
blame on the zonal barriers and to argue that if they could be eliminated Potsdam
would be transformed from a dismal failure into a dazzling success. The thesis
may enable them to avoid admitting the colossal blunder Potsdam really is, but it
also serves as a bar to taking the steps necessary to meet the trouble
fundamentally.
Put forward as a general panacea for all German administrative ills, economic
anschluss of as many zones as possible has become the chief objective of our
zonal authorities. In the attempt to break down French and Russian objections,
they offered to divide the Reich into a number of federated states and to
guarantee German disarmament for 25 or even 40 years. After this proposal was
rejected on the ground that it was wholly inadequate and would lead to war, they
offered to merge the American zone economically "with one, two, or three other
zones."[24] In making the offer, AMG Commander in Chief, General McNarney,
observed:
"The United States Government proposes this arrangement because of its belief
that Germany can no longer be administered in four air tight compartsments
without free economic intercourse, unless paralysis is to result. The United States
Government is unwilling to permit creeping economic paralysis to grow if it is
possible to attain economic unity between its zone and any other zone in
Germany, as a prelude to economic unity for all Germany."[25]
Although Russia and France turned down the offer, Britain accepted and the task
of effecting economic unification of the British and American zones was
undertaken.
Even if such an economic merger can be made effective in the absence of political
unification, which is doubtful, it is but one short step in a long way that must be
traveled before substantial permanent amelioration of Germany's plight can be
attained. On the other hand, the merger partitions the Reich between East and
West and intensifies and embitters the conflict between the two.

Reference Notes:
[1] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 5, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[2] Edd Johnson, Berlin, April 30, 1946, Chicago Sun Foreign Service.
[3] Hal Foust, Berlin, June 2, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[4] Hal Foust, Berlin, May 4, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[5] John Fisher, Washington, Aug. 22, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service, quoting Prof. Jas. K.
Pollock.
[6] Associated Press, Berlin, Aug. 31, 1946.
[7] Same as No. 6.
[8] Hal Foust, Berlin, April 27, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[9] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 23, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service, quoting Max H. Forester,
Chief of Coal and Mining Div. of AMG.
[10] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 17, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[11] Hal Foust, Berlin, July 29, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[12] Hal Foust, Berlin, Feb. 26, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[13] Reuters, Frankfurt-on-Main, Germany, Dec. 16, 1945.
[14] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, Mar. 12, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[15] Jack Bell, Berlin, July 21, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[16] Associated Press, Hereford, Germany, Sept. 9, 1946.
[17] Hal Foust, Berlin, Sept. 21, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[18] John Elliott, Berlin, June 2, 1946, Special to The Chicago Sun.
[19] Hal Foust, Berlin, June 3, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[20] James P. Warburg, New York, The Chicago Sun , Aug. 8, 1946.
[21] Karl H. von Wiegand, Paris, Aug. 3, 1946, Chicago Herald-American.
[22] Same as No. 20.
[23] Edward P. Morgan, Berlin, May 25, 1946, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service.
[24] Associated Press, Berlin, July 21, 1946.
[25]Hal Foust, Berlin, July 20, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service

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8 TEACHING DEMOCRACY IN REVERSE
The Lord High Executioners
We thought we were coming to Germany as liberators to free the German people
from dictatorship, to teach them the errors of their ways, and to give them the
benefits of our form of democracy and free enterprise. Actually we accepted at
Potsdam a program which negated all of our principles, which could sell our form
of democracy only in reverse. The Potsdam plan was made to order for Soviet
Russia, but not for free enterprise or free democratic processes. Its very execution
requires totalitarianism of the kind the Soviets are accustomed to, of the kind
which, when the Nazis were practicing it, so outraged us that we fought a half
trillion dollar war to eradicate it from the earth.
We first eliminated the German government, the only instrumentality through
which the German people might take collective self-preservative action and then
substituted a system of military absolutism, born not of free American
institutions or ideals, but of the absolutisms dominant at Potsdam. Military
absolutism was set up under the following edict:
"In the period when Germany is carrying out the basic requirements of
unconditional surrender, supreme authority in Germany will be exercised, on
instruction from their Governments, by the Soviet, British, United States, and
French Commanders-in-Chief, each in his own zone of occupation, and in
matters affecting Germany as a whole. The four Commanders-in-Chief will
together constitute the Control Council."
Set up to function under the heads of this alien military dictatorship is a
complicated bureaucracy headed by a hierarchy of descending Caesars, forming a
neat replica of the authoritarian apparatus employed by both the Soviets and
Nazis.
This dictatorship, as we have seen, has as its purpose not the resuscitation and
rehabilitation of the fallen Reich, but rather its repression and the erection of
barriers to recovery. With hundreds of thousands of heavily armed occupation
troops behind it, the alien dictatorship was also prepared to prevent resistance by
the Germans as they saw the ground prepared for their extermination by their
being thrown on their own, and forbidden outside assistance while the necessary
means for their survival were destroyed. It has dropped a soundproof iron curtain
down around its victims, virtually cutting off intercourse with the outside world,
ostensibly to prevent contamination of other nations by Nazi ideas, but also to
prevent the anguished cries of the German women and children from reaching
and disturbing others while the gruesome program was carried into effect.
As the death noose tightened about them, the Germans were to be made to
believe they are entirely to blame for their dilemma. Even the inevitable
economic collapse must be laid at the door of German administrators. They must
be made to spring their own trap door. Potsdam says:
"In the imposition and maintenance of economic controls . . ., German
administrative machinery shall be created and the German authorities shall be
required to the fullest extent practicable to proclaim and assume administration
of such controls. Thus it should be brought home to the German people that the
responsibility for the administration of such controls and any breakdown in
these controls will rest with themselves." (emphasis added)
This was the craven way we were to bring self government to the Germans.
We no doubt hoped, for example, that by turning denazification over to so-called
"German" prosecutors and courts set up and operating under our mandate we
could make the Germans blame themselves for the deleterious effects.
We have said it is democratic to make the Germans conduct their own purge,
which is tantamount to accepting the Russian purges as democratic. But those
purges were at least Russian affairs. The German purge machinery is operated by
Communists and radical Marxist Socialists placed in office by an alien
dictatorship and no more representative of the Germans than Quisling's Nazi
government was of the Norwegians. The Germans know full well that whatever
our puppets do reflects our will and dicta. If we should by any chance convince
them that this is what we mean by the democracy we came to force upon them,
we could hardly blame them if they rejected it at the first opportunity.
Our military government is anything but democratic, except in the Russian sense.
It is headed by well-trained military men, competent to carry out military tasks
and orders received from Washington prepared by politicians and behind-thescenes
operators. Instead of a democratic body representative of free Americans,
they are order takers, willing to carry out without question whatever directive
they receive from above. They are identical in this respect with Hitler's loyal
hierarchy of lord high executioners.
Our troops of occupation have been splendid young American boys, but for the
most part raw, inexperienced, teenage draftees who could be expected neither to
relish their job nor to comprehend its exacting nature. The whole experience has
tended to corrupt and brutalize them. As mentioned before, our use of a
disproportionate number of negro troops has helped alienate the Germans and
disgust our own personnel.
In conjunction with the military forces we have sent over a corps of high salaried
civilian employees, consisting in large measure of people who had failed the
social and economic competition at home, including in some cases broken down,
discharged officers who could not stand the rough going of actual combat in
France and Italy, or the chagrin of having to return home as failures before the
war was over, but who now draw higher pay than ever in their lives during
peacetime before, and who enjoy swelling arrogantly with self-assumed
importance before defeated but often more refined, cultured, and substantial
people caught under their delegated authority.
This motley crew for the most part has no intimate knowledge of European and
especially German conditions, mores, problems, or history, but was hastily
recruited and superficially trained for its extremely demanding mission.
Although circumstances do not permit our body of civilian employees as a whole
to be representative of the best there is in America, there are, fortunately, some
notable exceptions. Often at great personal sacrifice, some very able, wellinformed,
conscientious experts and specialists have gone over and by their
influence and efforts helped to mitigate the difficult situation. To these splendid
products of our free institutions must go the lion's share of credit for whatever
success AMG has achieved. For army men, if they are competent as such, cannot
be expected to manage and perform major operations on a crippled foreign
economy and social system without creating chaos. If the Army has proved
unequal to the task of running such relatively simple things as railroads and mail
order houses in America, it surely must be unequal to the stupendous job given it
in Germany.
Potsdam has imposed upon us a program which runs counter to our fundamental
convictions and philosophy. The military men who head AMG generally believe
that the less government interferes with business the better it is for everybody,
except in Germany. And they oppose collectivism philosophically, except in
Germany. Although they fought a war to destroy dictatorship, they are willing to
serve as one themselves and to impose almost complete control over the lives of
individual Germans. Nothing runs without their permission.
Zonal rule over the economic, political, and cultural life of the German people, as
commanded at Potsdam, could be handled with a modicum of success only by
men with long experience in totalitarian philosophy and methodology. And in
this respect the Russian zonal authorities enjoy a great advantage. Whereas the
rule which Potsdam orders is alien to our background, training, and philosophy,
it conforms perfectly to Russian practice at home. Such rule cannot bring free
enterprise to Germany; only some form of collectivist society could grow up
under it.
These are points of cardinal importance in the rivalry between Soviet Russia and
the western powers over ultimate control of the German Reich.
"Reeducation"
Many ardent supporters of Potsdam have become greatly upset about Communist
plans for taking over the Reich. They have no right to be, because the very first
signature affixed to the document is that of Joseph Stalin. The Russians,
therefore, have just as much right as we to lay down the meaning of its loose
provisions and undefined terms. When Potsdam calls for democratization of the
Reich without specifying exactly what is meant by "democracy," the Soviets have
a perfect right to insist that the order calls for German communization. And this
is but one of the pernicious features of its "re-education" program.
Potsdam, in connection with denazification, decrees that ousted Nazis "shall be
replaced by persons who by their political and moral qualities, are deemed
capable of assisting in developing genuine democratic institutions in Germany."
But no hint is given as to what "genuine democratic institutions" might be. It
prohibits propagation of national socialist ideas, without stating what they are,
and then provides that "German education shall be so controlled as completely to
eliminate Nazi and militarist doctrines and to make possible the successful
development of democratic ideas," again without definition.
But forbidding propagation and discussion of one political philosophy and
forcing the public to accept a different one held by those in the seats of power is
Nazi doctrine. It is also Communist doctrine. And the Communists claim theirs is
the one and only genuine democracy.
Political democracy, say the Bolsheviks, is impossible over the long run without
"economic democracy," by which they mean abolition of private ownership of
property, the foundation of free enterprise. But they call free enterprise fascism,
and defenders of the American system fascists. And Nazism is a form of fascism.
Denazification, in Russian eyes, therefore, is tantamount to rooting out our own
system, along with all other private property systems.
The Bolsheviks call any country or party fascist or Nazi if it takes or advocates
measures to curb the activities of Communist parties; those which permit the
Communists to go freely about their business of destroying them and building a
world soviet union are denominated "democratic." Thus, Potsdam qualifies as a
"democratic" document.
These facts were known, or should have been known, by all the principals at
Potsdam. When Russia was permitted to sign the agreements without a clear
definition of what was meant by "democracy," we were falling into a dangerous
trap from which we cannot escape, unless we simply repudiate the agreements we
signed. The whole thing makes us look very stupid.
If by democracy we meant our way of life - free enterprise, private property,
individual liberties, the protections guaranteed in the Bill of Rights, and
government of, by, and for the people - it should have been obvious to us from
the beginning that the program to establish democracy by force was foredoomed
to failure. We might logically have hoped to wipe out Hitlerism by Hitlerite
methods, but we certainly could never hope to establish our way of life that way.
Our intolerance of Nazi political opinion, however justified it may seem, is
nevertheless the opposite of democratic in the American sense. Our
determination to wipe out ideas by force is a repudiation of democracy's most
sacred tenets. People who really believe in freedom of thought and opinion do not
use clubs on the debating platform. We despised Hitler for burning books
proscribed by the Nazis, not because we were necessarily partial toward the
particular books involved, but as a matter of principle. Yet we have ourselves
violated the principle, and adopted Hitlers, by burning the Nazi books. In words
we denounce Hitlerism; in deeds we exonerate it!
The impression has been given by prolonged propaganda that national socialist
tenets were obviously evil and criminal, that they openly called for aggressive
war, for example, and conquest of the world. This is not true. Like the platform of
any political party seeking support at the polls, its planks appeared to be quite
innocuous. In fact, Nazism and its works were praised by many foreign notables
such as Lloyd George and Winston Churchill. When polled, 51 per cent of our
own GI's, stationed in Germany, said they believed Hitler "did the Reich a lot of
good before 1939," and 19 per cent of those questioned believed "the Germans
had some or a good deal of justification for starting the war." - "It showed large
percentages of the soldiers ready to accept German explanations and willing to
absolve the mass of Germans from responsibility for concentration camp
atrocities." - "29 per cent conceded they had grown 'more favorable' toward their
former enemies since they had been in the country."[1]

It was perfectly possible for honest, intelligent, conscientious German citizens to
be party members and even enthusiasts. For us to assume differently is merely to
exhibit our ignorance and gullibility for propaganda. Nazism was wrong in many
fundamental respects, and these features should be exposed. The Germans
should be shown in principle where these ideas were wrong and dangerous. They
should be stated as general principles to be opposed no matter who advances
them, even if they are communists. And the operation should be discussion by
free, uncensored debate. Certainly, nothing can be gained by treating the subjects
as undiscussable.
The Nazis were wrong in their invasion of the schools and forcing elimination of
certain ideas and texts and acceptance of certain others. They were wrong in
principle. So are we, when we impose our ideas and textbooks on the Germans.
We are even more so for being outsiders, whereas the Nazis were at least German.
The Nazis were wrong in their strict censorship of the German press. And so are
we. We cannot create a free press in Germany through rigid censorship and we
look very foolish when we try it.
Persecution of people on account of their blood is deplorable - whether practiced
by the Germans or against them. Persecution arises from hate and is stirred by
hatemongers. Walter Winchell has said we must hate the Germans. "Let future
German generations see them [German monuments] and find out what kind of
blood they were born with," he wrote a year after Germany surrendered. "If they
can grow up among reminders of what it costs to be a monster, maybe they'll
work a little harder to get back into the human race."[2] Likewise, while Secretary
of State Byrnes was appealing to the Germans at Stuttgart, the information and
education department of the U.S. Army in the European theatre was still calling
for hatred toward the German people. In a pamphlet it said: "The feeling of pity
for the Germans is very similar to the psychological reaction we get toward a
pretty girl who murdered her father in cold blood, owing to the reluctance to
condemn one who looks so nice and kind, as a murderess." The Germans in their
hate mongering were no more unheedful of the Christian, "Love thine enemy."
The German leaders applied the hideous and indefensible doctrine of collective
guilt against a whole people whom they looked upon as deadly enemies. This was
one of their greatest crimes. We have committed the same crime by applying the
same doctrine against all the people of Germany, including unborn babies.
Perhaps the reason we forbid discussion of Nazism, fail to list its features, and try
to destroy it by force, goes back to our having unconsciously accepted most of its
worst features since 1932, without knowing their identity.[3]
And so we go blithely on our way trying to stamp out Nazism while practicing it
ourselves. The very stamping is Nazi like.
We came as liberators to teach the Germans how to enjoy self-government and
political freedom. Yet we have imposed our denazification decrees which so
frighten them that they refuse to take part in politics for fear of the possible
consequences under our "democratic" control. We are trying to teach them
democracy, and yet we have so circumscribed what they may teach that their
teachers, unless they are Communists, are afraid to say anything. Politically,
German leaders are not permitted to speak freely, and even those in our military
government are afraid to say what they think, for fear of the consequences.
Because of our undemocratic policies regarding freedom of the press, which we
preach while violating in practice, the German press is operating in a vacuum.
Intellectual hunger in Germany is almost as acute as physical hunger.
On top of everything else, our system of justice has become brutalized and highly
discriminatory. We have three separate bodies of laws, one for our forces, one for
displaced persons, and one for the German population, and in none is there a
serious effort to make the punishment fit the crime. For example, a frail,
widowed, German mother of two small children was sent to jail for five months
for having in her possession a parachute knife given her as a trophy and
remembrance by her husband just before he was shot down over Britain.[4] This
is typical, not exceptional. It makes the Germans shudder at "democratic justice."
While we preach law and order, we coddle and grant special privileges to
"displaced persons," who according to AMG officers, have been responsible for 50
per cent of the crimes in the American zone.[5]
While preaching democracy we have installed ourselves as an alien plutocracy,
many of whose members have found blackmarket operations and other shady
deals not beneath them. While the Germans around them starve, wear rags, and
live in hovels, the American aristocrats live in often unaccustomed ease and
luxury. Their wives must be specially marked to protect them from licentious
advances; they live in the finest homes from which they drove the Germans; they
swagger about in fine liveries and gorge themselves on diets three times as great
as they allow the Germans, and allow "displaced persons" diets twice as great.
When we tell the Germans their low rations are necessary because food is so
short, they naturally either think we are lying to them or regard us as inhuman
for taking the lion's share of the short supplies while they and their children
starve.
We have in many ways shown ourselves quite callous to the sufferings of the
conquered. The war left in its wake countless numbers of war victims with
disabled bodies, some without arms, legs, eyes, or otherwise disfigured. They and
the millions killed in battle or held as war prisoners have millions of dependents,
aged parents, wives and children. In addition there are the hordes of
impoverished, suffering expellees from the east. But the towering needs of all
these millions of helpless Germans have been a minor consideration to the
feeding and housing of displaced persons. Only a little news comes from their
loved ones held as war prisoners in England, France, and other western
countries, none from Russia. Nor has the Allied Control Council yet issued a full
and detailed list of either war casualties or war prisoners. Thousands are still held
in unnecessary, agonizing suspense wondering whether fathers and brothers who
were in the war are still alive or dead. As one German mother said, "Even a little
sympathy would help. I haven't heard from my son for more than a year now. If I
knew he were dead, I could get over it."
This is the way to teach democracy in reverse. If the Germans are ever to become
adherents, they must do so voluntarily, through conviction, not compulsion. By
our behavior we are making it impossible for them to gain the conviction. In the
light of what they are having to endure under our control and because of our
policies and weaknesses, they will not easily conclude, as we wish them to, that
Hitlerism is uniquely brutal, oppressive, or dishonest.
One of the main difficulties is the fact that our democracy is confronted by a
paradox which almost defies solution. Far from facing or solving it, we have failed
to notice it. And those whom we wish to win to democratic principles see our
blindness and lose their respect for their would-be teachers. We must sooner or
later make up our minds whether democracy can tolerate the spread of
democracy-destroying doctrines, and if not, how it can stop them and still remain
democracy.
If what we are doing in Germany against Nazism is right, then what we are doing
here at home about Communism is wrong. If we must stamp out Nazism there,
we must stamp out Communism here; if in the name of democracy and freedom
of opinion we can tolerate dissemination of Communist doctrine and treasonable
Communist fifth column activities here, we should treat Nazism with equal
kindness over there. For the one is just as bad as the other.

Reference Notes:
[1] Associated Press, Wiesbaden, Germany, Jan. 24, 1946, The Chicago Sun and Chicago Daily
Tribune, Jan. 25, 1946.
[2] Walter Winchell [daily column], San Francisco, May 4, 1946.
[3] Prof. Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (University of Chicago Press, 1944), p. 184.
[4] Larry Rue, Munich, Germany, July 10, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.
[5] Larry Rue, Munich, Germany, July 6, 1946, Chicago Tribune Press Service.

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“It is necessary that I should die for my people; but my spirit shall rise from the grave, and the world will know that I was right.” -Adolf Hitler.
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Posts: 174

Road, I have a lot of stuff on The Morganthau plan as well as on the Allied attempt to destroy Germany and some stuff on Nuremberg. When I find it I'll send it on and we can improve on it.
Heil Hitler! Heil Himmler! Sieg Heil!

"This battle is not one for the present, but first and foremost one for the future!" - Adolf Hitler
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Posts: 1170
Location: Republic Of India
fourthreich666 wrote:
Road, I have a lot of stuff on The Morganthau plan as well as on the Allied attempt to destroy Germany and some stuff on Nuremberg. When I find it I'll send it on and we can improve on it.


Sure comrade . Mail here - aheartofcourage@hotmail.com

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“It is necessary that I should die for my people; but my spirit shall rise from the grave, and the world will know that I was right.” -Adolf Hitler.
Heil mein Führer I know you were right -roadtorevolution
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Posts: 1170
Location: Republic Of India
Marsayate wrote:

BULL FUCKING SHIT!!! Ugh, American and Russian soldiers did absolutely fucking nothing but kill and rape Germans. It's terrorism and attempted genocide by today's standards, exactly what the fuck they're getting away with now. Not the purpose? That's a load of fucking shit. They tried to destroy all of Germany, exactly what that CUNT Angela Merkel is doing. Why there hasn't been a civil war and calls for Merkel's head on a plate I do not fucking know. There have been plans to destroy Germany on a list so long that it makes the Samson option look benign.


roadtorevolution wrote:
Devastation of the Reich -

At Yalta in the Crimea, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin met to decide the fate of Europe and in their joint statement solemnly declared:
"It is not our purpose to destroy the people of Germany."

Again at Potsdam, the representatives of the Big Three met and intheir joint Declaration, signed by Messrs. Stalin, Truman, and Attlee, officially proclaimed:
"It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave the German
people."

Despite these and other assurances, the Potsdam decisions, as we at first interpreted them, meant throwing the German people on their own, with outside assistance prohibited, after the necessary means
for their survival had been destroyed.


Did you even bother to read full article ?

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“It is necessary that I should die for my people; but my spirit shall rise from the grave, and the world will know that I was right.” -Adolf Hitler.
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Posts: 1170
Location: Republic Of India
Marsayate wrote:
roadtorevolution wrote:
Did you even bother to read full article ?


I got really pissed off and started writing, so no. Sorry.


No isssues comrade . Its fully understandable : )

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“It is necessary that I should die for my people; but my spirit shall rise from the grave, and the world will know that I was right.” -Adolf Hitler.
Heil mein Führer I know you were right -roadtorevolution
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Posts: 847
Location: Russia

I did new section in Death of communism:
http://www.deathofcommunism.josru.com/the-truth-about-world-war-two/

Your article series are collected here with full credit:
http://www.deathofcommunism.josru.com/devastation-of-reich/

Thanks. Hope you don't mind.
Death of communism / Смерть коммунизма http://www.deathofcommunism.josru.com/
Радость Сатаны http://joyofsatan.ucoz.ru/
Разоблачение христианства http://seethetruth.ucoz.ru/
Разоблачение лжи ислама http://www.razoblachenie-lzhi-islama.josru.com/
Черное Солнце 666 http://chernoesolnce.weebly.com/


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